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PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 
DEPARTMENT  OF  ROMANIC  LANGUAGES  AND  LITERATURES 

Extra  Series,  No.   1 


THE 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 


BY 

HUGO  A.'RENNERT,  Ph.D.  (Freiburg  i.  B.) 

PROFESSOR  IN  THE    UNIVERSITY  OF   PENNSYLVANIA 
CORRESPONDING    MEMBER   OF  THE   ROYAL   SPANISH   ACADEMY 

OF  THE    ROYAL   GALICIAN   ACADEMY 
MEMBER  OF  THE  HISPANIC    SOCIETY   OF  AMERICA 


PHILADELPHIA 
1912 


TO   THE   MEMORY   OF 

MY  MOTHER 
MAY  19,  1835 — JUNE  5,  1899 


PREFACE. 

THE  first  edition  of  this  work  was  accepted  by  the  fac- 
ulty of  the  University  of  Freiburg  i.  B.  as  a  dissertation 
for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  in  1891,  and  was 
published  in  Baltimore  in  the  following  year.  In  its  day  it 
was  not  unfavorably  received,  and  as  it  has  long  since  been 
out  of  print,  it  has  seemed  that  a  new  edition  might  not  be 
unwelcome. 

In  the  long  period  that  has  intervened  the  Pastoral 
Romance  never  entirely  lost  for  me  its  old  attraction,  and 
as  I  gradually  acquired  many  of  the  early  editions  of  these 
works  and  re-read  them,  I  determined  to  re-issue  these 
"  primicias  de  mi  corto  ingenio,"  adding  such  new  facts 
as  subsequent  researches  had  brought  to  light.  The  result 
is  the  present  work,  which  has  been  almost  entirely  re- 
written, and  now  appears,  as  I  hope,  in  a  much  improved 
form.  I  have  not  seen  fit  to  change,  in  any  material  de- 
gree, the  opinions  originally  expressed  concerning  the  var- 
ious romances;  repeated  reading  has  convinced  me  more 
than  ever  that  the  Diana  of  Montemayor,  which  was  the 
first,  is  also  the  best  of  these  pastorals,  while  it  has  in- 
creased my  admiration  for  the  poetical  portions  of  the 
Arcadia  of  Lope  de  Vega. 

The  Pastoral  Romance  was  essayed  by  some  of  the  great- 
est ingenios  that  Spain  has  produced,  and  while  many  of 
these  poets  "  had  no  true  vocation  for  the  business,"  as 
Professor  Fitzmaurice-Kelly  says  of  Cervantes,  and,  as  a 
consequence,  their  works  are  of  widely  varying  degrees  of 
merit,  yet  they  cannot  be  entirely  neglected  by  the  student, 
for  the  pastoral  is  a  product  of  the  most  flourishing  period 
of  Spanish  literature, — a  literature  unsurpassed  by  any  in 
the  modern  world. 

H.  A.  R. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Introduction    9 

The  "  Diana "  of  Montemayor   18 

The  "  Diana  "  of  Alonso  Perez  59 

The  "  Diana  Enamorada "  of  Gil  Polo 72 

The  "  Diana "  of  Texeda  86 

The  "  Habidas "  of  Hieronimo  Arbolanche  92 

The  "  Ten  Books  of  the  Fortune  of  Love,"  by  Antonio  de  lo  Frasso.    98 

The  "  Filida "  of   Montalvo   104 

The  "  Galatea "  of  Cervantes  116 

The  "  Enlightenment  of  Jealousy,"  by  Lopez  de  Enciso 126 

The  "  Nymphs  and  Shepherds  of  the  Henares,"  by  Gonzalez  de 

Bouadilla    133 

The  "  Shepherd  of  Iberia,"  by  Bernardo  de  la  Vega  137 

The  "  Enamorada  Elisea "  of  Covarrubias   139 

The  "  Arcadia "  of  Lope  de  Vega  142 

The  "  Prado  of  Valencia,"  by  D.  Gaspar  Mercader  157 

The  "  Tragedies  of  Love,"  by  Solorzeno  159 

The  "  Golden  Age,"  by  Balbuena 162 

The  "  Constant  Amarilis "  of  Figueroa   171 

The  "  Reward  of  Constancy,"  by  Espinel  Adorno 181 

The  "  Shepherd  of  Clenarda,"  by  Botello 186 

The  "  Experiences  of  Love  and  Fortune,"  by  Cuevas 188 

The  "  Cynthia  of  Aranjuez,"  by  Corral  192 

The  "  Shepherds  of  the  Betis,"  by  Saavedra 199 

The  Decline  of  the  Pastoral  Romances  203 

7 


THE 
SPANISH    PASTORAL  ROMANCES 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  appearance  of  the  pastoral  romance  in  Spain  in 
the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  the  extreme  favor 
with  which  it  was  received,  may,  in  view  of  the  social  con- 
dition of  the  country,  seem  at  first  sight  paradoxical.  At 
the  time  of  the  accession  of  Philip  the  Second,  Spain  was 
at  the  zenith  of  her  military  greatness.  Her  possessions 
were  scattered  from  the  North  Sea  to  the  islands  of  the 
Pacific,  and  her  conquests  had  been  extended  over  both 
parts  of  the  western  world.1  The  constant  wars  against 
the  Moors,  and  the  stirring  ballads  founded  upon  them, 
had  fostered  an  adventurous  and  chivalric  spirit, — a  dis- 
tinguishing trait  of  the  Spanish  character.  Arms  and  the 
church  were  the  only  careers  that  offered  any  opportunity 
for  distinction,  and  every  Spanish  gentleman  was,  first  of 
all,  a  soldier. 

Such  a  state  of  society  was  favorable  for  books  of  chiv- 
alry, which,  beginning  with  Amadis  de  Gaula,  made  their 
appearance  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,2  and 

1  The  Spanish  language  was,   for  the  greater  part  of  Europe,  the 
chief    medium    of    communication    between    nations.      See    Cervantes, 
Persiles  y  Sigismunda,  Vol.  II,  Book  iii. 

2  The  whole  subject  of  Amadis  has  been  reviewed  in  his  masterly 
way  by  D.  Marcelino  Menendez  Y  Pelayo,  Origenes  de  la  Novela,  Mad- 

9 


10  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

soon  enjoyed  a  popularity  that  was  unparalleled.  For  half 
a  century  these  Libros  de  Caballerias  held  undisputed  sway. 
Gradually,  however,  the  readers,  especially  those  in  court 
circles,  grew  weary  of  the  monotonous  and  impossible  ex- 
ploits of  the  paladins,  and  their  desire  for  a  change  was 
soon  gratified.  How  these  books  of  chivalry,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  following  century,  "  were  smiled  away 
from  out  the  world  "  by  Don  Quixote,  we  have  often  been 
told.1  But  nearly  fifty  years  before  the  appearance  of  the 

rid,  1905,  Vol.  I.  The  conclusions  at  which  the  distinguished  critic 
arrives  are  briefly:  That  Amadis  is  a  very  free  imitation  of  the  breton 
cycle;  that  it  existed  prior  to  1325;  that  the  author  of  the  rescension 
made  in  the  time  of  King  Denis  was  probably  Juan  Lobeira,  miles,  of 
whom  we  possess  poems  written  between  1258  and  1286;  that  the 
cancion  of  Leonoreta  inserted  in  the  present  version  of  Amadis  is  cer- 
tainly his ;  that  we  have  not  sufficient  data  to  affirm  in  what  language 
the  primitive  Amadis  was  written;  that  it  was  known  in  Castile  since 
the  time  of  Chancellor  Ayala,  and  is  mentioned  by  Pero  Ferrus  in 
the  Cancionero  de  Baena;  that  the  tradition^  concerning  Vasco  de 
Lobeira,  preserved  by  Azurara,  is  worthy  of  little  credit,  and  that  the 
only  literary  form  in  which  we  possess  the  Amadis  is  the  Spanish  text 
of  Garci  Ordonez  de  Montalvo,  of  which  the  edition  of  1508  is  the 
earliest  known,  and  which  was  certainly  not  finished  till  after  1492. 
Ibid.,  pp.  ccxxii  ff.  It  may  be  added  that  Prof.  Baist  still  maintains 
that  Amadis  is  of  Spanish  origin  (Grober's  Grundriss,  Vol.  II,  2  Abt, 
pp.  416,  438-44i- 

According  to  Fouldhe-Delbosc  the  earliest  mention  of  Amadis,  in 
which  the  name  is  coupled  with  Tristan  and  Cifar,  is  found  in  a  book 
written  before  1350,  (and  perhaps  before  1345),  and  published  in  1494, 
entitled  -Regim  en  to  de  los  Principes,  printed  at  Seville  by  Meynardo 
Ungut  and  Stanislao  Polono.  It  is  a  translation  of  the  De  Regimine 
Principum  of  Egidio  Colonna,  made  by  Johan  Garcia  de  Castrogeriz. 
Revue  Hispanique  (1906),  p.  815.  The  only  known  copy  of  Amadis 
of  the  edition  of  Caragoga,  1508,  is  now  in  the  British  Museum.  The 
question  of  Amadis  is  once  more  reviewed  by  G.  E.  Williams,  in  the 
Revue  Hispanique,  Vol.  XXI  (1909). 

1  The  truth  is,  that  by  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  the 
romances  of  chivalry  were  about  at  their  last  gasp.  As  Fitzmaurice- 
Kelly  says :  "  They  continued,  though  in  diminishing  numbers,  and  so 
late  as  1602  Juan  de  Silva  y  de  Toledo  published  his  Historia  famosa 


INTRODUCTION  H 

Knight  of  La  Mancha,  a  new  form  of  fiction  appeared  in 
Spain,1  which  soon  gained  the  ascendency  over  its  older 
rival.  This  was  the  Pastoral  Romance. 

The  pastoral  romance  was,  in  a  measure,  an  offspring 
of  the  romance  of  chivalry.  Its  beginnings  are  already 
clearly  discernible  in  some  of  the  followers  of  Amadis.  In 
the  Libro  noveno  de  Amadis,  que  es  la  Chronica  del  muy 
valiente  y  esforzado  Principe  y  Cavallero  de  la  Ardiente 
Espada,  Amadis  de  Grecia,  hi  jo  de  Lisuarte  de  Grecia,  of 
which  an  edition  printed  at  Burgos,  1553,  is  cited  by 
Gayangos,  the  pastoral  element  is  already  introduced.  Da- 
rinel  and  Sylvia,  shepherd  and  shepherdess,  are  brought 
upon  the  scene  and  play  an  important  part  in  the  books 
that  follow.  As  Gayangos  says :  "  The  pastoral  romance, 
cultivated  since  the  beginning  of  the  century  by  Sannazaro 
and  the  Italians,  now  began  to  be  known  in  Spain,  and  was 
afterwards  carried  to  the  highest  degree  of  perfection  by 
Montemayor.2  In  Don  Florisel  de  Niquea,  the  first  two 

del  Principe  don  Policisne  de  Beocia.  Don  Policisne  de  Beocia  was 
the  last  of  his  race.  Cervantes's  book  appeared  three  years  later.  It 
did  instantly  what  sermons  and  legislation  had  failed  to  do.  After 
the  publication  of  Don  Quixote  no  new  chivalresque  romance  was 
issued,  and  of  ancient  favourites  only  Diego  Ortunez  de  Calahorra's 
Caballero  del  Febo  was  reprinted  (1617-23).  The  fictitious  knights 
were  slowly  dying;  Cervantes  slew  them  at  a  blow."  Don  Quixote, 
translated  by  John  Ormsby,  edited  by  Jas.  Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  Glas- 
gow, 1 9x1 1,  Vol.  I,  p.  xxii. 

1  The  long  line  of  picaresque  novels  also  began  at  this  time,  Laza- 
rillo  de  Tormes  appearing  in  1553 (?). 

2  Libros  de  Caballerias,  con  un  Discurso  preliminar  y  un  Catdlogo 
razonado,  por  Don  Pascual  de  Gayangos.     Madrid,  Ribadeneyra,  1857, 
p.  xxxi.     It  is  not  within  the  scope  of  this  work  to  trace  the  begin- 
nings of  pastoral  poetry  in  Spain.     Nearly  twenty  years  before  the 
appearance  of  Montemayor's  Diana,  the  influence  of  the  Italian  pas- 
torals is  clear  in  the  works  of  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  whose  "  Eclogues  " 
first  appeared  in   1543,  with  the  works  of  Boscan,  another  poet  en- 
tirely under  the  influence  of  the  Italians.    That  Garcilaso  was  an  imi- 


12  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

parts  of  which  appeared  at  Valladolid  in  1532,  we  already 
see  Don  Florisel  assuming  the  garb  of  a  shepherd  and  fol- 
lowing the  shepherdess  Sylvia,  with  whom  he  had  fallen 
in  love.  And  in  the  fourth  part  of  Don  Florisel  de  Niquea, 
of  which  there  is  an  edition  dated  Salamanca,  1551,  ro- 
mances, quintillas  and  eclogues,  which  the  author  calls  bu- 
colicos,  are  introduced  into  romances  of  chivalry  for  the 
first  time,  while  the  second  book  of  the  fourth  part  of  Don 
Florisel  (chap,  xxxvii),  contains  an  eclogue  between  two 
shepherds,  Archileo  and  Laris,  and  a  number  of  certdmenes 
or  poetical  contests,  in  the  manner  of  those  which  Monte- 
mayor  afterwards  introduced  into  his  Diana.1 

The  marked  favor  with  which  the  Spanish  pastoral  ro- 
mance was  greeted,  and  the  signal  success  it  immediately 
enjoyed,  may,  perhaps,  be  explained  (in  addition  to  the 
reason  already  given)  by  the  fact  that  the  Diana,  its  first 
representative,  was  a  work  of  real  genius,  while  the 
peculiar  temperament  and  susceptibility  of  the  Spanish 
people  were,  doubtless,  also  a  factor  in  its  success.  But, 
as  already  stated,  the  pastoral  romance  was  not  originally 
a  growth  of  the  Spanish  soil,  but  was  transplanted  from 
Italy,  its  home. 

Spain  and  Italy  had  long  been  in  close  communication; 
Sicily  had  been  subject  to  the  crown  of  Aragon  since  1282 ; 
Milan  and  the  Kingdom  of  Naples  had  come  into  the  pos- 
session of  Spain,  and  Spanish  troops  under  Charles  V.  had 
overrun  the  whole  Italian  peninsula.  Such  continued  con- 

tator  of  Sannazaro,  going  at  times  even  to  the  extent  (as  in  his  second 
Eclogue)  of  translating  almost  verbally  whole  passages  of  the  Arcadia, 
has  been  shown  by  Torraca,  Gl'Imitatori  Stranieri  di  Jacopo  San- 
nazaro, Roma,  1882.  All  that  has  been  written  heretofore  upon  the 
origins  of  the  pastoral  in  Spain  has  now  been  superseded  by  the  work 
of  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Origenes  de  la  Novela,  Madrid,  1905,  Vol.  I. 
1  Gayangos,  Libros  de  Caballerias,  p.  xxxvi. 


INTRODUCTION  !3 

tact  with  Italy,  then  the  most  cultured  and  refined  nation 
of  Europe,  could  not  fail  to  influence  the  minds  of  its  in- 
vaders; their  intellectual  horizon  was  widened,  and  their 
thoughts  diverted  into  new  channels.  There,  in  the  after- 
glow of  the  great  revival  of  learning,  they  found  new 
poetic  forms — strangers  to  their  literature,  and  henceforth 
the  pastoral,  amongst  other  Italian  measures,  was  destined 
to  find  a  home  beyond  the  Pyrenees.1 

It  was  the  Ameto  of  Boccaccio,  a  pastoral  in  prose  and 
verse,  that  served,  in  Italy,  as  a  model  for  the  later  pastor- 
als of  Sannazaro  and  Bembo,  and  for  the  dramatic  pas- 
torals of  Tasso  and  Guarini.  Though  not  strictly  a  pas- 
toral romance,  it  prepared  the  way  for  this  kind  of 
composition,  and  under  its  influence  Sannazaro,  a  Neapoli- 
tan, born  in  1458,  wrote  his  Arcadia,  which  he  first  pub- 
lished in  I5O4.2  Though  Sannazaro  took  the  Ameto  for 
his  model, — which  is  manifest  in  the  distorted  and  artificial 
style  which  sometimes  disfigures  the  otherwise  graceful 
narrative  of  the  Arcadia, — the  ancient  writers  were  not 
without  influence  in  the  composition  of  the  latter  work. 
Indeed,  Scherillo  says  that  the  true  master  of  Sannazaro 

1  The  influence  of  Italy  upon  the  Spanish  poet  was  immense,  and 
includes,  almost  without  exception,  every  great  name  from  the  Marquis 
of  Santillona  to  Lope  de  Vega.    The  earliest  and  best  of  the  Spanish 
anthologies,  the  Flares  de  Poetas  Hustres  of  Pedro  de  Espinosa,  Valla- 
dolid,  1605,  clearly  shows  how  wide  was  the  influence  of  Italy.     Here 
we   find   imitations   of    Petrarch,    Sannazaro,   Ariosto,    Bernardo   and 
Torquato  Tasso,  Panfilo  Sasso,  Luigi  Groto,  Girolamo  Parabosco,  and 
others. 

2  A  mutilated  edition  of  the  Arcadia  appeared  at  Venice  in  1502,  but 
it  was  without  the  author's  knowledge  or  consent,  and  while  he  was 
absent  in  France.     See  Michele  Scherillo,  La  Arcadia  di  Jacopo  San- 
nazaro secondo  i  Manoscritti  e  le  prime  Stampe,  con  note  ed  intro- 
duzione.     Torino,  1888,  in  which  the  Arcadia  and  its  sources  are  dis- 
cussed with  a  thoroughness  that  leaves  little  to  be  said.    Upon  the  in- 
fluence  of   the    Italian   pastoral   in   Spain,    see   Menendez   y    Pelayo, 
Origines  de  la  Novela,  Vol.  I,  Mad.,  1905. 


I4  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

was  Virgil.1  But  further  2  on  he  remarks :  "  If  the  Greek 
and  Latin  writers  provided  Sannazaro  with  the  pastoral 
material,  the  form  of  the  romance  was  furnished  by  that 
one  of  the  three  great  Tuscans  who  had  come  to  preach  in 
Naples  "  la  buona  novella  della  nuova  lingua,"  that  is, 
Boccaccio.  And  again :  "  the  whole  fabric  of  the  Arcadia 
is  woven  upon  that  of  the  Ameto."  3 

The  Arcadia  is  a  series  of  twelve  eclogues  in  verse,  in- 
terspersed with  prose  that  was  written  afterward,  merely 
to  provide  a  background  and  to  join  them  together:  but  the 
mixed  form  of  prose  and  verse,  given  to  this  species  of 
composition,  and  which  was  already  present  in  the  Ameto, 
was  ever  afterward  retained  by  all  the  Spanish  romances. 
Ticknor  4  calls  the  Arcadia  a  genuine  pastoral  romance, 
and  its  author  "  the  true  father  of  the  modern  prose  pas- 
toral." 5 

It  was  in  imitation  of  the  Arcadia  that  Montemayor 
wrote  the  Diana,  the  first  Spanish  pastoral  romance.6  That 

1 "  II  vero  maestre  ed  autore  nel  Sannazaro,  colui  al  quale  ci  si 
diede,  per  sua  salute,  il  suo  dolcissimo  padre,  e  Virgilio,"  p.  Ixxxi. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  ciii. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  cxi ;  and  see  p.  cxii,  where  attention  is  called  to  the  fact 
that  Sannazaro  was  also  indebted  to  other  works  of  Boccaccio :  the 
Filocolo,  Fiammetta,  Ninfale  fiesolano,  Corbaccio  and  the  Decamerone. 

4  History  of  Spanish  Literature,  Boston,  1888,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  93. 

5  For  the  great  favor  with  which  the  Arcadia  was  received,  various 
reasons  have  been  assigned.     Scherillo  says:  Se  I' Arcadia  fu  accolta 
con  tanto  favore,  cio  fu  in  gran  parte  perche  rappresentava  la  comune 
tendenza  del  tempo  a  quel  sentimentalismo  campestre,  che  pullula  come 
per  reazione  nei  periodi  piu  agitati  delle  armi :  ed  anche  perche  richeg- 
giava  variamente  le  voci   degli  scrittori  di  quel   mondo   classico   che 
tutti  agognavano  conoscere,  in  tanto   fervore  di  rinascenza,   come  la 
piu  pura  e  piu  invidiata  delle  nostre  glorie."    1.  c.,  p.  ccxii. 

6  See  Torraca,   Gl'Imitatori  stranieri  di  Jacopo  Sannazaro,   Roma, 
1882,  pp.  18,   19.     A  Spanish  translation  of  the  Arcadia  appeared  at 
Toledo  in   1547,   followed  by  a  second,   likewise  at  Toledo,   in   1549. 


INTRODUCTION  !$ 

the  earlier  and  better  Spanish  romances  followed  their 
Italian  models  closely,  is  very  clear;  that  their  style,  which 
is  sometimes  stilted  and  unnatural,  is  due  to  this  close  imi- 
tation, is,  however  open  to  question,  though  this  reason  has 
been  assigned  by  a  competent  authority.1  For  the  Spanish 

Nicolas  Antonio  mentions  one  at  Toledo  in  1554,  and  editions  ap- 
peared in  1569,  Madrid  and  Salamanca,  Salamanca,  1578  and  Madrid, 
1620.  As  the  Diana  was  certainly  not  begun  until  after  1554,  Monte- 
mayor could  have  read  the  Arcadia  in  either  one  of  the  first  three 
editions,  though  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  he  knew  Italian.  That, 
like  all  Spanish  poets  of  his  time,  he  read  Petrarch,  is  certain,  and 
Menendez  y  Pelayo,  (Origenes,  I.  p.  cdlxvii)  observes  that  the  cancion; 
"Aquella  es  la  ribera,  este  el  prado,"  (Diana,  Bk.  I.)  is  founded  in 
part  upon  Petrarch's  Chiare,  fresche  e  dolci  acque.  It  has  been  as- 
serted by  no  less  an  authority  than  Dr.  Carolina  Michaelis  de  Vas- 
concellos  that  the  Menina  e  Moga  of  Bernardim  Ribeiro,  which  first 
appeared  in  print  at  Ferrara  in  1554,  moved  Montemayor  to  write  his 
Diana,  and  this  assertion  is  repeated  by  the  distinguished  scholar  Sr. 
Menendez  y  Pelayo,  who  says :  "  Que  Montemayor  conocia  la  obra 
de  Bernaldim  Ribeiro  antes  de  emprender  la  suya  es  cosa  que  para 
mi  no  admite  duda."  (Origenes,  I,  p.  cdlxiv.)  And  again:  "La 
Diana  en  su  fondo  debe  mas  al  bucolismo  galaico-portugues  que  a  la 
Arcadia"  (Ibid.,  II,  p.  cxxxviii).  Montemayor  was  the  friend  of 
Ribeiro  and  undoubtedly  knew  his  Saudades.  Braga  says :  As  rela- 
goes  pessoaes  entre  Bernardim  Ribeiro  e  Jorge  de  Monte-M6r,  que  se 
descobrem  pelas  Eclogas  d'aquelle  bucolista,  vem  explicar-nos  agora 
a  influencia  que  a  Menina  e  Moga  exerceu  na  creagao  da  Diana.  Jorge 
de  Monte  Mor  escreveu  a  historia  dos  seus  amores  infelizes  en  cas- 
telhano,  e  ainda  que  a  sua  obra  seja  uma  das  mais  notaveis  de  litter- 
atura  hespanhola,  pertenece-nos  pela  naturalidade  do  poeta  e  pela 
origem  da  sua  imitagao."  (Manual  da  Historia  da  Litteratura  Por- 
tugueza,  p.  355 ;  and  see  Bernardim  Ribeiro  e  os  Bucolistas,  pp.  76 
et  seq.)  That,  on  the  other  hand,  Montemayor  knew  the  Arcadia  and 
was  greatly  influenced  by  it,  must  be  equally  clear  to  anyone  as- 
quainted  with  both  works.  See  Torraca,  op.  cit.,  p.  18.  For  an  iden- 
tification of  the  real  personages  hidden  beneath  the  allegory  of  Menina 
e  Moga,  see  Theophilo  Braga,  "  Nueva  Luz  historica  sobre  Bernardim 
Ribeiro,"  in  Revista  Critica  de  Historia  y  Literatura  Espanolas,  Vol. 
I,  p.  116  ff. 

1  See  the  Introduction  to  the   Spanish   Academy's   edition  of  Val- 
buena's   Sigh   de   Oro,   Madrid,    1821.     Torraca   also   detects   in   the 


l6  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

pastoral  romances,  written  originally  for  the  amusement 
of  courtiers,  and  artificial  in  their  origin,  remained  so  to 
a  great  extent  in  their  general  style  and  construction,  and 
though  such  peculiar  and  distorted  sentences  not  infre- 
quently occur,  in  which  the  learned  Spanish  critic  thinks 
he  can  detect  the  more  free  arrangement  of  word  and 
phrase  permitted  by  Italian  syntax,  yet  such  passages  are 
easily  outweighed  by  those  in  which  the  style  is  graceful 
and  flowing.  It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  though 
some  of  the  Spanish  pastoral  romances  attained  a  very 
high  degree  of  excellence,  they  are  generally  wanting  in 
that  idyllic  simplicity  and  truth  to  nature  which  we  find 
in  the  Arcadia  of  Sannazaro.  They  often  indulge  in  the 
utmost  extravagances  and  inconsistencies,  introducing 
courtiers  in  the  guise  of  shepherds,  but  whose  refinements 
of  speech  at  once  betray  them,  so  that,  in  many  cases,  the 
fact  that  the  personages  appear  under  the  names  of  shep- 
herds, is  all  that  is  left  to  indicate  the  pastoral  character. 
This  expedient  of  portraying  living  persons  in  a  pastoral 
disguise,  was  not,  however,  an  invention  of  the  later 
writers,  but  had  been  used  by  Virgil  in  his  Eclogues,  in 
which  the  shepherds  are  often  distinguished  men  of  his 
time,  while  the  poet  himself  often  figures  in  them  as  an 
actor — a  circumstance  that  has  also  been  followed  by 
most  of  the  Spanish  writers.1  Moreover,  many  of  the 
scenes  and  incidents  described  by  the  latter  are  such  as 
never  could  be  realized  in  nature,  but  are  possible  only  in 
that  imaginary  Arcadia  where  the  shepherds  watched  their 
"visionary  flocks  ". 

That  the  Spaniards  were  aware  of  the  extravagances  of 

"  prosa  fiorita  e  cadenzata  del  Montemayor "  the  influence  of  the 
Arcadia. 

1  Also   by   English   poets,    among   others   by    Spenser,    in   his   Colin 
Clout's  come  Home  again. 


INTRODUCTION  !7 

their  romances  and  of  their  violence  to  the  truth,  there  is 
abundant  proof  in  their  writings,1  yet  the  device,  for  ex- 
ample, of  introducing  well-known  poets  or  nobles  as  shep- 
herds, doubtless  added  piquancy  and  color  to  the  otherwise 
wearisome  recitals  of  the  pastores,  especially  in  the  eyes  of 
those  classes  for  whom  they  were  chiefly  written,  and  for 
whom  it  must  have  afforded  no  little  amusement  to  discover 
— pictured  beneath  the  thin  veil  of  disguise,  either  their 
friends  or  themselves. 

Of  the  popularity  of  this  species  of  fiction  among  the 
upper  classes^ — for  it  was  distinctly  aristocratic  in  tone 
and  not  intended  for  the  profanum  vulgus, — there  can  be 
no  doubt.  It  would  also  seem  that  the  climate  and  the 
warm,  impressionable  nature  of  the  people,  were  not  un- 
important factors  in  its  success,  since  pastoral  poetry  never 
flourished  to  such  an  extent  in  northern  countries,  for  lack 
of  conditions  congenial  to  its  growth. 

1    See  the  Galatea  of  Cervantes,  below. 


THE  "  DIANA  "  OF  MONTEMAYOR 

The  pastoral  romance  was  introduced  into  Spain  by 
George  de  Montemayor,  whose  Diana  was  the  first,  and 
still  ranks  as  one  of  the  best  examples  of  this  species  of 
prose  fiction  in  the  literature  of  Spain.  Its  success  soon 
brought  forth  a  host  of  imitators,1  for  no  book  in  Spain 

1  The  Diana  was  imitated  not  only  in  Spain,  but  also  in  other  coun- 
tries. To  discuss  these  imitations,  however,  is  beyond  the  scope  of 
the  present  essay.  It  will  suffice  to  mention  two  of  the  most  famous : 
the  Arcadia  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  (1590)  in  England,  and  the  Astree 
of  Honore  d'Urfe  (1610)  in  France.  In  both  these  romances  all  the 
defects  of  the  Diana,  some  of  which  will  be  noted  further  on  (cf.  p. 
23) >  appear  in  an  exaggerated  degree;  and  however  dull  some  of  the 
Spanish  romances  may  be,  they  all  possess,  in  comparison  with  the 
ponderous  Arcadia  and  the  five  thick  tomes  (1610-1627)  of  the  Astree, 
at  least  the  merit  of  brevity.  I  am  aware  that  Menendez  y  Pelayo 
says :  "  Con  poca  razon  cuentan  algunos  entre  las  imitaciones  de  la 
Diana  la  Arcadia  de  Sir  Felipe  Sidney,  que  por  su  titulo  recuerda  a 
Sannazaro  y  por  su  desarrollo  es  mas  bien  un  libro  de  caballerias 
que  una  verdadera  pastoral."  Origenes  de  la  Novela,  I,  p.  cdlxxvi. 
I  admit  the  truth  of  the  latter  part  of  this  statement,  nevertheless,  the 
influence  of  the  Diana  upon  the  Arcadia  is  unmistakable.  Whatever 
of  Sidney's  style  may  be  due  to  Euphuism,  which  he  condemns  in 
his  Apologie  for  Poetry,  it  seems  certain  to  me  that  it  is  not  an  imita- 
tion of  Sannazaro,  but  often  greatly  resembles  the  peculiar  diction 
of  Montemayor.  Compare  the  opening  passages  of  the  Diana  with 
those  of  the  Arcadia,  "  Ay  memoria  mia,  enemiga  de  mi  descanso ! " 
with  "  remembrance,  restless  remembrance,"  etc.,  or  other  passages 
in  the  Diana,  book  i,  with  this,  taken  at  random  from  the  Arcadia, 
book  iii :  "  Then  Musidorus,  as  contented  as  one  who  had  been  brought 
from  hell  to  heaven,  with  many  vehement  attestations  to  win  trust 
with  her,  and  imprecations  against  himself  in  case  of  perjury,  wished, 
if  ever  his  mind  were  so  unhappy  as  to  be  surprised  by  any  purpose 
tending  in  the  least  degree  to  grieve  her,  that  he  might  never  live  till 
it  took  effect,  but  die  e'er  it  were  discovered."  Prof.  Fitzmaurice- 
Kelly  says  that  Montemayor's  Felismena  is  the  prototype  of  Sidney's 
18 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  jg 

since  the  appearance  of  Amadis  of  Gaul  had  been  received 
with  the  favor  that  was  bestowed  on  the  Diana. 

Of  its  author,  George  of  Montemayor,  little  is  known: 
we  neither  know  his  name  nor  the  date  of  his  birth.1  He 
was  a  Portuguese,  born  at  Montemor  o  Velho,  a  town  on 

Daiphantus.  The  Relations  between  Spanish  and  English  Literature, 
Liverpool,  1910,  p.  19.  Sidney  evidently  read  the  Diana  with  pleasure 
and  knew  it  well.  He  translated  two  lyrics  from  the  first  book: 
Cabellos,  quanta  mudanfa:  "  What  changes  here,  O  haire,"  and  De 
merced  tan  estremada:  "  Oft  this  high  grace  with  bliss  conjoyn'd," 
and  shows  everywhere  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  Spanish 
pastoral.  Speaking  of  Sidney's  Arcadianism,  the  successor  of  Euphu- 
ism, Landmann  says :  "  Sidney  certainly  avoided  Euphuism,  but  he 
brought  in  another  taste  that  led  to  the  same  exaggeration  as  North's 
translation  [of  Guevara]  had  led  to  in  Eupheus.  Sidney  was  the  first 
to  introduce  into  England  the  shepherd  romance,  with  its  flowery  lan- 
guage and  endless  clauses,  its  tediousness  and  sentimentality,  which 
characterize  the  shepherds  of  Sannazaro's  Arcadia,  from  Monte- 
mayor's  Diana  to  the  Astree.  The  Italian  as  well  as  the  Spanish  work 
shows  an  affected  style  of  speech.  Sidney  was  probably  influenced  by 
the  diction  of  both,  etc.  New  Shakspere  Society's  Translations,  Series 
I,  No.  9,  p.  261.  But  the  Arcadia  is  hardly  a  true  pastoral  romance ; 
the  action  takes  place  in  the  highest  classes  of  society,  the  chief  figures 
being  princes  and  princesses.  Shepherds  and  shepherdesses  play  a  very 
subordinate  part,  and  while  the  influence  of  the  Diana  is  of  a  general 
character,  it  is  none  the  less  clear  to  a  careful  reader.  That  Sidney's 
contemporaries  had  no  doubt  of  the  influence  of  the  Diana  upon  the 
Arcadia  is  seen  in  the  introductory  letter  to  Sir  Fulke  Greville  written 
by  Thomas  Wilson,  the  translator  of  the  Diana,  who  says :  Sr.  Philipp 
Sidney  did  very  much  affect  and  imitate  the  excellent  Author  there 
of,"  i.  e.  of  the  Diana.  On  the  relative  influence  of  Spanish  and 
Italian  upon  the  English  of  Shakespeare's  time,  see  Farinelli's  review 
in  Revista  Critica  de  Historia  y  Literatura  Espanolas,  Vol.  I,  1895, 
PP.  134  ff- 

1  See  Jorge  de  Montemayor,  sein  Leben  und  sein  Schaferroman  die 
"  Siete  Libras  de  la  Diana,"  von  Georg  Schonherr,  Halle,  1886,  a  very 
careful  work  to  which  I  have  several  times  referred.  Every  page  of 
the  introductory  portion  of  Schonherr's  work  shows,  moreover,  his 
indebtedness  to  Mad.  Carolina  Michaelis  de  Vasconcellos.  To  this 
friend,  whose  kindness  is  as  unfailing  as  her  learning,  I  also  owe 
much  in  this  chapter  on  Montemayor. 


20  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

the  right  bank  of  the  Mondego,  about  four  leagues  from 
Coimbra.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  born  between  1520 
and  1524.  For  an  account  of  his  early  years, — very  vague 
it  must  be  confessed, — we  are  indebted  chiefly  to  his  letter 
to  Sa  de  Miranda,  a  sort  of  autobiography,  written  in  1553, 
while  Montemayor  was  temporarily  residing  at  the  Por- 
tuguese court.1  In  it  he  tells  us  that  his  youth  was  passed 
on  the  banks  of  the  Mondego,2  and  that  the  education  he 
acquired  was  very  slight.  We  are  told  by  his  friend  and 
continuator,  Alonso  Perez,3  that  he  knew  no  Latin,  at  a 
time  when  that  language  was  studied  by  all  who  made  any 
claim  to  culture.  But  he  had  a  good  knowledge  of  the 
earlier  as  well  as  the  contemporary  Spanish,  Portuguese, 
Catalan  and  Italian  poetry,  which  was  certainly  not  to  the 
detriment  of  his  Muse. 

Montemayor's  early  years,  he  himself  tells  us,  were  de- 
voted chiefly  to  music,  though  while  still  a  youth  he  prac- 
ticed the  art  of  poetry.  When  quite  young  he  left  his 

iaCarta  de  Jorge  de  Montemayor,"  in  Poesias  de  Francisco  de 
Sa  de  Miranda,  edited  by  Carolina  Michaelis  de  Vasconcellos.  Halle, 
1885,  p.  665.  See  Appendix. 

2  By  the  waters  of  this  historic  stream  Camoes  also  passed  his  early 
years.  See  his  one  hundred  and  eleventh  sonnet,  beginning :  "  Doces  e 
claras  aguas  do  Mondego."  Camoes's  birthplace  is  uncertain,  but 
Storck  inclines  to  Coimbra  as  his  native  city.  "  Luis  Vaz'de  Camoens 
Geburtsort  ist  mit  volliger  Sicherheit  nicht  festzustellen,  aber  doch 
mit  grosster  Wahrscheinlichkeit."  Luis'de  Camoens  Leben,  Paderborn, 
1890,  p.  102.  The  year  of  his  birth  was  probably  about  1525.  Ibid., 
p.  136. 

8  In  the  Segunda  Parte  de  la  Diana,  in  the  address  to  the  Reader, 
he  alludes  to  Montemayor's  lack  of  letras  Latinas.  But  the  statement 
of  this  pedant  should  not  be  taken  literally.  Montemayor  certainly 
knew  some  Latin,  as  his  Cancionero  amply  shows.  It  is  quite  certain, 
however,  that  he  was  never  enrolled  at  any  University.  Lope  de 
Vega  praises  Montemayor  in  his  Laurel  de  Apolo  (fol.  26,  ed.  of 
1630).  The  verse:  "si  le  ayudaran  letras  el  ingenio,"  may  be  due  to 
Perez. 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  2I 

native  land  "  to  make  his  own  living,  somehow  or  other  " 
(por  algun  modo),  and  turned  his  footsteps  toward  Spain. 

As  already  observed,  we  do  not  know  the  family  name 
of  Montemayor.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  he  must  have 
been  related  in  some  way  to  the  family  of  Payva  y  Pina,1 
However  this  may  be,  his  parents  must  have  been  very 
poor.  His  father  seems  to  have  been  a  silversmith  (pla- 
ter0}  and  probably  of  Jewish  extraction.2 

Further  evidence  of  the  humble  condition  of  Monte- 
mayor's  parents  is  furnished  by  a  document  discovered  by 
Sr.  Sousa-Viterbo.  It  is  a  letter  to  the  Queen  of  Portugal, 
Da.  Catharina,  wife  of  D.  Joao  III.,  requesting  her  aid  in 

1  In  an  elegy  on  the  death  of  Montemayor  by  a  contemporary,  Mar- 
cos Dorantes,  and  which  is  found  in  many  of  the  later  editions  of  the 
Diana,  we  read : 

"  Los  de  Payua  y  de  Pina  y  su  nobleza 
demuestren  quanto  mas  justo  les  fuera 
morir  que  no  dar  muestra  de  tristeza" 

P.  354,  ed.  of  Lisbon,  1624. 

This  conjecture,  as  Schonherr  remarks,  is  further  confirmed  by  a 
reference  in  the  eighth  stanza  of  Montemayor's  poem  La  Historia  de 
Alcida  y  Syluano  in  which  the  poet  figures  under  the  name  Syluano. 
Here  we  read : 

"  Baxo  los  altos  pinos  muy  umbrosos 
con  los  de  Pina  siempre  conuersaua, 
cuyo  linaje  y  hechos  generosos  , 

al  son  de  su  gampona  los  cantaua. 
Y  los  de  Payua  alii  por  muy  famosos 
sus  virtudes  heroycas  celebraua,"  etc.  P.  242. 

2  So,  at  least,  we  are  to  infer  from  some  satirical  verses  by  Juan 
de  Alcala,  a  stocking  maker  (calcetero),  of  Seville,  "muy  gentil  poeta," 
whose  verses   are   printed  by   Menendez   y   Pelayo    (Origenes  de   la 
Novela  Espanola,   Vol.   I,   pp.   cdlxviii   and   cdlvii).     Mad.    Carolina 
Michaelis  de  Vasconcellos  writes  me:  "Vielleicht  war  sein  Vater  ein 
vaternamens-loser  illegitimer  Sprosling  jenes  Hauses   [i.  e.   Payva  y 
Pina],  und  die  Mutter  oder  Grossmutter  (?)  eine  spanische  Sangerin 
jiidischer  Abkunft(?)."     See  also  Grober's  Grundriss,  II,  2  Abt.,  p. 
304,  note,  and  Schonherr,  p.  16. 


22  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

procuring  an  office  from  the  King  for  the  father  of  Monte- 
mayor,  whose  name,  however,  is  not  given.1  This  letter 
Sr.  Sousa-Viterbo  correctly  ascribes,  not  to  the  Infanta  Da. 
Maria,  daughter  of  Joao  III.,  who  died  in  Valladolid  on 
July  12,  I545,2  but  to  the  King's  daughter-in-law,  the 
Princess  Da.  Joanna.  It  bears  no  date,  but  is  endorsed 

1557- 

The  first  information  we  possess  of  Montemayor  as  an 
author  is  in  1545,  when  he  made  his  literary  debut  in  Lis- 
bon.3 Upon  the  death  of  the  Infanta  Da.  Maria,  which 

1  The  letter  is  as  follows :   "  Sefiora :   Monte  maior  tiene  ay  a  su 
padre  y  desea  mucho  que  el  Rey  my  senor  le  haga  merced  de  un  oficio 
que  pide:  suplico  a  V.  al.  sea  servida  de  aiudalle  con  su  alteza  pera 
que  le  haga  la  merced  que  oviere  lugar  que  pera  my  sera  muy  grande 
toda  la  que  V.  al.  le  hiziere  en  esto.     Nuestro  senor  guarde  a  V.  al. 
como  yo  deseo — besa  las  manos  a  V.  al.  =  la  princesa.     Sobrescripto : 
Reyna  my  Senora.    Archivo  historico  portuguez  (1903),  p.  256.    Sousa- 
Viterbo,  an  excellent  scholar,  blind  in  his  later  years,  died  on  Janu- 
ary 20,  1911. 

2  On  this  Infanta  Da.  Maria,  who  never  wore  the  crown  of  Spain, 
see  an  interesting  article  by  A.  Costa  Lobo,  in  the  Archivo  historico 
portuguez,  Vol.  I  (1903),  pp.  131,  177  ff. 

3  Carolina  Michaelis  de  Vasconcellos,  Grober's  Grundriss,  II,  2  Abt, 
p.  304,  note. 

According  to  Sousa-Viterbo,  Montemayor  came  to  Spain  in  the 
retinue  of  the  Infanta  Dona  Maria,  daughter  of  D.  Joao  III,  who 
left  Portugal  on  October  10,  1543,  and  shortly  thereafter  married  in 
Salamanca  Prince  Philip,  son  of  Charles  V,  who  afterward  became 
Philip  II.  of  Spain.  In  this  he  is  in  error,  as  Mad.  Vasconcellos  in- 
forms me,  who  says,  "  Ueberhaupt  halte  ich  die  Tochter  Johann's  III 
nicht  mehr,  wie  ich  friiher  that,  fiir  eine  der  Beschiitzerinnen  des 
Dichters,  wie  aus  nachfolgenden  Notizen  hervorgeht."  After  allud- 
ing to  the  departure  of  the  Infanta  Maria  from  Spain  in  1543,  Mad. 
Vasconcellos  says :  "  Wesentlich  scheint  mir  dass  nirgends  ein  Wort 
dariiber  verlautet  dass  Montemayor  zu  ihrem  Gefolge  gehorte.  Nicht 
einmal  in  dem  ausfiihrlichen  portug.  Reisebericht,  wo  jeder  musik- 
alischen  Auffiihrung  Erwahnung  geschieht.  Ueberhaupt  weiss  die 
Geschichte  von  keiner  einzigen  Musikkapelle  die  eine  portug.  Fiirstin 
aus  der  Heimat  mitbekommen  hatte:  weder  Beatrix  von  Savoyen 
(1526),  noch  Da-  Isabel  zu  Karl  V  (1526), — die  Koniglichst  aus- 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  23 

took  place  at  Valladolid  on  July  2,  1545,  he  wrote  the 
beautiful  coplas  glossing  the  Recuerde  el  alma  dormida  of 
Jorge  Manrique,1  as  well  as  a  mediocre  sonnet  that  after- 
wards appeared  in  his  Cancionero.  At  this  time  Monte- 
mayor  was  still  in  Portugal, — in  Lisbon  doubtless,  without 
office  or  employment. 

The  earliest  dated  work  of  Montemayor  is  his  Exposi- 
tion moral,2  published  at  Alcala  in  1548,  and  dedicated  to 

gestatteten  Tochter  Emanuels — noch  vorher  die  Kaiserin  Leonore. 
In  Spanien  besass  man  (seit  Ferdinand  und  Isabella)  vorziigliche 
Kapellen.  Philip,  besonders,  bedurfte  sicherlich  nicht  der  Sanger  u. 
Instrumentisten  seiner  Braut.  Und  wenn  auch  einer  oder  der  andre 
vereinzelte  Musiker  von  hier  nach  Spanien  ging  (siehe  Romances 
Velhos) — Beispiele  sind  eben  Montemor  u.  Gregorio  Silvestre — so 
Kamen  ungleich  mehr  von  Spanien  hierher.  Ganze  Kapellen  mit 
Catharine  (1527) — u.  D.  Juana  (1551).  Die  Princesa  D.  Maria  nahm 
*543  (so  weit  ich  sehe)  wie  ihre  Tanten  Beatrix  u.  Isabel  ungeheuer 
viel  Gold  und  Silbergerat,  Teppiche,  u.  Stoffe  als  Aussteuer  mit, — aber 
keine  Musicos.  Zu  ihrer  Kapelle  nur :  6  namenlose  moQOS  ( f iir  den 
Altar  u.  Mess  dienst)  :  Sammtliche  bei  S.  V.  und  in  den  Provas  auf- 
gefuhrten  Listen  betreffen  die  Princesa  de  Portugal,  D.  Juana,  wie 
der  Vergleich  lehrt." 

1  Garcia  Perez,  Catalogo  de  los  Autores  Portugueses  que  escribieron 
en   Castellano,   Madrid,    1890,   p.   393.     Montemayor,    Cancionero,   ed. 
1554  fol.  36v.    Mad.  Carolina  Michaelis  de  Vasconcellos  says  that  the 
pliego  suelto  in  the  National  Library  at  Lisbon,  which  contains  the 
above  glosas,  is  without  date,  but  certainly  belongs  to  the  year  1545 
or  at  latest  to  1546.     "  Die  gleichzeitigkeit  ergiebt  sich,  mehr  als  aus 
Montemor's  z.  T.  recht  schonen  lyrischen  Strophen,  aus  dem  zweiten 
angeschlossenen  bankelsanger-artigen  Bericht  von  Gabriel  de  Saravia 
(Ano  de  mil  y  quinientos  quarenta  y  cinco  corria  en  el  mes  de  Julio 
era  y  en  Valladolid  la  villa)    und   aus   M's  noch   recht  ungelenkem 
Prolog,  an  den  Regidor  de  Portugal,  D.  Joao  da  Silva,  und  aus  der 
Tatsache  dass  der  Dichter,   statt  Selbstandiges  zu  schaffen,  sich  mit 
einer  Glosse  begniigte,  schliesse  ich  dass  wir  es  mit  einem  Erstlings- 
werk  zu  thun  haben.     Dass  M.  damals  noch  in  Lissabon  weilte  geht 
aus  Str.  5  hervor,  wo  er  d'esta  Lisboa  (esta  ciudad  in  Str.  6)  spricht; 
aus   anderen   Bemerkungen   dass   er   der   Abreise   D.    Maria's    (1543) 
beigewohnt  hatte." 

2  Exposicion  moral  sobre  el  Psalmo  Lxxxvi  del  real  propheta  Dauid, 


24  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

the  Infanta  Dona  Maria,  the  author  describing  himself  as 
"  singer  in  the  chapel  of  the  Infanta  Da.  Maria."  This 
princess,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Charles  V.,  the  sister  of 
Philip  and  of  Da.  Juana,  was  twenty-six  years  old  in  1548, 
and  on  September  i7th  of  the  same  year  was  married  to 
Maximilian  II.  of  Austria  at  Valladolid.  In  1551  the  latter 
became  King  of  Bohemia,  (whither  Da.  Maria  then  accom- 
panied him),  and  Emperor  in  1564.  After  his  death,  in 
1564,  Da.  Maria  returned  to  Spain,  where  she  died  in  1603. 
It  is  this  Princess  Da.  Maria  whom  Montemayor  celebrates 
in  the  "  Canto  de  Orfeo  "  (Diana,  Book  IV)  as  the  great 
Queen  of  Bohemia  and  Austria-Hungary,  and  as  "  Luz  de 
Espana."  x 

After  the  departure  of  Da.  Maria  for  Bohemia  in  1551, 
or  perhaps  shortly  before  that  time,  Montemayor  found 
another  patron,  and  his  chief  one,  in  her  sister,  the  Princess 
Da.  Juana  of  Castile,  into  whose  service  he  then  entered. 
This  is  shown  by  a  document  published  for  the  first  time  by 
Sr.  Sousa-Viterbo,  in  which  D.  Joao  III.  bestows  upon 
Montemayor  "  servant  of  the  princess,  my  much  beloved 
daughter  "  a  clerkship  upon  a  vessel.2  Sousa-Viterbo  says 

dirigido  a  la  muy  alta  y  muy  poderosa  senora  la  infanta  dona  Maria 
por  George  de  monte  mayor  cantor  de  la  capilla  de  su  alteza.  Colo- 
phon: Esta  presente  obra  fue  vista  y  examinada  por  el  muy  reuerendo 
y  magnifico  senor  el  vicario  general  en  esta  metropoli  de  Toledo  y 
con  su  licencia  impressa  en  la  universidad  de  Alcala  por  Joan  de 
Brocar:  primero  del  mes  de  Margo  de  MDXLVIII.  4°. 

1  See  also  Montemayor,  Cancionero,  ed.  1554,  fol.  25. 

2  Eu  el  Rey  f ago  saber  a  vos  feytor  e  oficiaes  das  casas  da  Imdia 
e  Myna,  que  ey  por  bem  e  me  praz  de  fazer  merce  a  Jorge  de  Momte 
Moor,   criado   da  princesa  mynha  muito   amada  e  prezada  nlha,   da 
escreuanynha  de  hiiu  dos  nauios  da  carreira  da  Myna  por  hua  viagem 
por  ida  e  vinda  e  com  ho  ordenado  cotheudo  no  Regimento  de  pois  de 
copridas  as  prouisoes  que  das  taes  escreuanynhas  tiuer  pasadas  a  outras 
pesoas  feytas  amtes  deste.     Noteficoulo  asy  e  mamdo  que  tamto  que 
pela  dita  maneira  ao  dito  Jorge  de  Mote  mor  couber  etrar  na  dita 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  25 

that  it  is  evident  that  the  King  here  applies  the  word 
daughter  to  his  daughter-in-law,  the  Princess  Dona  Juana. 
In  the  same  Archives  there  is  another  document  giving  a 
list  of  the  singers  and  musicians  in  the  chapel  of  the  In- 
fanta Dona  Juana,  in  which  we  find  the  names  of  Miguel 
Frances  de  Carenina,  Alfonso  de  Renteria,  Antonio  de  Vil- 
hadiego,  Jorge  de  Motemor,  and  others,  who  are  each  to 
receive  40,000  maravedis  yearly.1  Montemayor's  name 
appears  in  another  list  of  the  musicians  in  the  chapel  of 
Dofia  Juana,  which  is  also  published  by  Sousa-Viterbo." 
Here,  likewise,  he  received  40,000  maravedis  annually. 
On  December  5,  1552,  the  Princess  Da.  Juana  married  the 
crown  prince  of  Portugal,  D.  Joao,  son  of  Joao  III.  After 
her  marriage  she  went  to  Portugal  with  her  husband, 
Montemayor  returning  with  her  from  Valladolid,  and  was 

escreuanynha  o  metaes  em  pose  dela  e  Ihe  deyxes  ir  seruir  e  aver  o 
dito  ordenado  como  dito  he,  e  os  proes  e  precalgos  que  Ihe  dereyta- 
mente  pertemcerem  sem  nyso  Ihe  ser  posto  duvida  nem  ebargo  alguu, 
por  que  asy  he  mynha  Merce,  e  ele  jurara  na  chancelaria  que  bem  e 
verdadeiramente  a  syrua.  Antonio  de  Mello  o  fez  em  Almeirim  a 
xiiij  dias  de  margo  de  jbclj.  Amdre  Soarez  o  fez  escrepver.  (Torre 
do  Tombo,  Chancellaria  de  D.  Joao  3°.  Doagoes,  liv.  62,  fl.  167). 
Archivo  Historico  Portuguez  (1903),  p.  256.  "  Hier  belohnte  man  ihn 
(spat  1551)  mit  dem  Schreiberposten  (den  er  der  Sitte  entsprechend) 
fur  Geld  an  einen  andern  hatte  abtreten  konnen." — C.  M.  de  Vascon- 
cellos. 

1  Sousa-Viterbo,  ibid.,  p.  257.    The  papers  are  marked :  "  Papeles  da 
Embaxada  de  Inglaterra  e  da  Jornada  de  Castella  sobre  a  yda  da  Iffa. 
Donna  Maria.     Com  outros  varios  todos  do  tempo  do  sr.  Leo.  Pirez 
de  Tauora."    Though  the  name  here  given  is  Da.  Maria,  Mad.  Caro- 
lina  Michaelis    de   Vasconcellos    says:    "  Es   bedarf   nur   eines    Ver- 
gleiches  zwischen  den  Listen   Sousa-Viterbo's  und  den   Trovas   (see 
below)    um   zu   erkennen   dass   die   Kapelle   der   Princesa   Da.   Juana 
gemeint  ist." 

2  Rol   dos   creados   e   pessoas   que   agora  tem   a   Senhora   Princeza 
Donna  Joanna  filha  do  Emperador  o  qual  rol  mandou  a  El  Rey  Nosso 
Senhor   Lourengo    Pirez    de   Tavora,    sendo    Embaixador."     Archivo 
Historico  Portuguez  (1903),  p.  257. 


26  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

apoiisentador  in  her  household,  receiving  the  same  salary.1 
The  poet  alludes  to  this  service  in  his  letter  to  Sa  de  Mir- 
anda.2 

The  Prince  D.  Joao  died  on  January  2,  1554,  and  on  Jan- 
uary 20  Da.  Juana  gave  birth  to  a  posthumous  son,  after- 
ward the  unfortunate  King  Sebastao.  On  May  16,  she 
left  Portugal,  being  called  home  by  the  Emperor  to  assume 
the  regency  during  the  absence  of  Philip  in  England  (July 
13,  1554,  till  September,  1555)  and  while  he  was  in 
Flanders  and  France,  whence  he  did  not  return  till  1559. 
On  this  return  journey  of  Da.  Juana  to  Valladolid,  Monte- 
mayor  was  in  her  retinue,  as  we  have  just  seen.  In  the 
stanza  of  the  Canto  de  Orfeo  relating  to  the  Princess  Dona 
Juana,  Montemayor  refers  to  the  death  of  her  husband, 
"  espejo  y  luz  de  Lusitanos."  This  part  of  the  Diana 
could,  therefore,  not  have  been  written  before  1554.  In 
the  next  stanza  "  la  gran  Dona  Maria,  de  Portugal  infanta 
soberana "  was  the  daughter  of  Emanuel  and  his  third 
wife  Eleonore,3  and  the  allusion  to  the  death  of  the  latter 

1 "  Memoria  das  pessoas  que  veiram  com  a  Princeza  Da.  Joanna. — 
Jorge  de  Montemayor,  tem  por  meu  apousentador  outro  tanto  (scil. 
30  milreis  de  ordenado)  e  maes  Ihe  hao  de  dar  dez  mil  reis  para  ajuda 
de  custa  por  alvara  meu  aparte,  que  dando — Ihe  satisfagam  d'elles  os 
nao  aja  d'ahi  em  diante,  e  he  todo  o  que  ha  de  haver  carenta  mil  reis." 
Antonio  Caetano  de  Souza :  Provas  da  Historia  Genealogica  da  Casa 
Real  Portugueza,  Lisbon,  1744,  p.  75,  quoted  by  Schonherr,  p.  22,  n. 

2  See  Appendix,  11.  43-48,  of  the  fragment  there  printed :  also  the 
poem:  Al  Principe  de  Portugal,  in  his  Cancionero,  ed.  1554  fol.  15. 

3  D.   Leonor  was  the  third  wife  of   D.   Manoel   and  the  sister   of 
Charles  V.  and  of  Maria  of  Hungary.     Speaking  of  the  orphan  chil- 
dren D.  Maria  and  D.  Catharina  of  the  Infante  D.  Duarte  (1515-1540), 
Mad.  Carolina  Michaelis  de  Vasconcellos  says :  "  Ougamos  o  cysne  de 
Montemor   que   as   avistou  no   pago   da  Rainha,   ao   lado    da   Infanta 
[Maria],  nos  festas  do  Noivado  de  D.  Joao  e  D.  Juana  (1552).     Ao 
dar  a  luz  a  sua  obra-prima,  o  romance  pastoril  de  Diana,  pendurou  os 
retratos  das  duas  meninas  num  d'esses  Templos  de  Gloria  em  que  era 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  27 

in  1558,  gives  us  another  date  before  which  the  Diana 
could  not  have  been  written.  It  was  to  Prince  D.  Joao 
and  to  the  Princess  Da.  Juana  that  Montemayor  dedicated 
his  Cancionero,  which  first  appeared  at  Antwerp  in  1554;  J 
it  is  probable  that  he  passed  the  latter  part  of  1553  or  the 
early  months  of  1554  in  Antwerp,  seeing  his  book  through 
the  press. 

Sometime  between  1543  and  1552  Montemayor  resided 
at  Seville,  where  he  was  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  poet 
Gutierre  de  Cetina,  as  an  exchange  of  sonnets  between 
them  shows.2  Nicolas  Antonio,  followed  by  Sedano  and 
others,  thinks  that  Montemayor  accompanied  Philip  II.  on 
his  visit  to  England  and  the  Netherlands  in  I554-3  Of 
this  there  is  no  positive  evidence,  but  there  is  some,  and 

praxe  collocar  celebridades  coevas.  Primeiro  a  Infanta,  no  momento 
em  que  a  perda  da  mae  [i.  e.  Eleonore]  a  perturbou  profundamente : 

"  Mirad,  Ninfas,  la  gran  dona  Maria,"  etc. 

In  a  note,  the  authoress  adds:  "A  allusao  a  morte  de  D.  Leonor 
serve  para  determinarmos  a  data  1558  como  termo  a  quo  da  conclusao 
e  publicacao  da  Diana."  See  the  very  interesting  work:  A  Infanta 
D.  Maria  de  Portugal  (1521-1577).  Porto,  1902. 

1  Las  Obras  de  George  de  Monte  mayor,  repartidas  en  dos  Libros, 
y  dirigidas  a  los  muy  altos  y  muy  poderosos  senores  don  Jua  y  dona 
luana,  Principes  de  Portogal  [device].  En  Anuers.  En  casa  de  luan 
Steelsio,  Ano  de  MDLIIII.  Con  priuilegio  Imperial.  Colophon:  Fue 
impresso  en  Anuers,  en  casa  de  Juan  Lacio,  1554,  sm.  12°,  xii  -f-  257  ff. 
I  possess  the  Salva  copy  of  this  very  rare  work. 

"  Soneto  de  Gutierre  de  Cetina,  siendo  enamorado  en  la  Corte 
para  donde  Montemayor  se  partia."  Cancionero,  ed.  1554,  fol.  35v. 
"  Responde  Montemayor  siendo  enamorado  en  Seuilla,  adonde  Gutierre 
de  Cetina  quedaua."  Ibid.,  fol.  36.  Cetina  addresses  him  as  Lusitano, 
a  name  Montemayor  adopts  in  his  poems. 

3  Philip  II.  set  sail  from  Corufla  on  July  13,  1554,  and  arrived  at 
Southampton  on  the  nineteenth  or  twentieth  of  the  same  month.  He 
remained  in  England  fourteen  months,  going  thence  to  the  Nether- 
lands, and  returned  to  Spain  on  August  2,  1559.  Watson,  History  of 
Philip  II.,  Vol.  I,  p.  131. 


2g  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

slight  as  it  is,  it  has  not  hitherto  been  mentioned,  so  far  as 
I  know.  It  is  found  in  the  reply  of  Montemayor  to  a  letter 
of  his  friend,  Sr.  Pefia,  in  which  the  lines  occur : 

"  Andaua  el  pobre  amor  buscando  abrigo, 
jamas  le  hallo,  God  helpe,\&  dezian."  1 

I  think  it  will  be  generally  admitted  that  it  is  most  unusual 
to  find  a  Spanish  poet  of  this  period  quoting  English,  and 
this,  taken  in  connection  with  the  well-known  fact  that 
Philip  was  accompanied  by  some  of  the  best  singers  and 
musicians  of  Spain,  renders  it  highly  probable  that  Monte- 
mayor  was  in  his  retinue.2  Moreover,  the  above  is  not 
found  in  the  edition  of  1554,  which  strengthens  the  proba- 
bility.3 

1  Cancionero  del  excelentlssimo  poeta  George  de  Monte  mayor:  de 
nueuo  emendado,  y  corregido.     Dirigido  al  Illustrissimo  Senor  Gon- 
c.alo  Fernandez  de  Cordoua,  Duque  de  Sessa,  y  de  Terra  noua,  Mar- 
ques de  Bitonto,  Conde  de  Cobra:  senor  de  la  casa  de  Vaena.     En 
Salamanca,   En    casa   de   Domingo    de   Portonrijs,   impressor   de    la 
Magestrad  Real,  1571.     This  volume  was  kindly  loaned  to  me  by  my 
friend,  Dr.  Horace  Howard  Furness.     In  the  dedication,  Montemayor 
begs  the  Duke  to  receive  the  work  "  debaxo  de  su  amparo,  como  el 
autor  dello  ha  estado  siempre,"  etc.    This  was  the  third  Duke  of  Sessa, 
in  whom  we  find  another  patron  of  our  poet.    The  lines  quoted  above 
are  found  on  fol.  175  of  this  edition.     In  the  ed.  of  Alcala,  1563,  they 
occur  on  fol.  165. 

2  Of  the  Spanish  poets  who  accompanied  Philip  II.,  the  name  of 
only  one  is  known  to  me  with  certainty:  "Juan  Verzosa  was  in  the 
suite  of  Philip  II,  and  composed,  in  celebration  of  the  King's  wedding 
with  Mary  Tudor,  the  '  Epithalamie  or  nuptiall  song '  mentioned  in 
The  Art  of  English  Poesie,  by  George  Puttenham.    This  poem,  how- 
ever, was  written  in  Latin  (see  Bartolome  Jose  Gallardo,  Ensayo  de 
una  biblioteca  de  libros  raros  y  curiosos,  tomo  iv,  no.  45O7)-     Ver- 
zosa's  name  is  given  correctly  by  William  Vaughan  in   The  Golden 
Grove.     Puttenham  prints  'Vargas'."     Fitzmaurice-Kelly,    The  Rela- 
tions between  Spanish  and  English  Literature,  Liverpool  University 
Press,  1910,  p.  13,  note. 

3  The  letter  of  Sr.  Pefia  to  which  Montemayor's  poem  is  an  answer, 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  29 

That  Montemayor  was  living  in  the  Netherlands  in  1557- 
1558  is  shown  by  the  dedication  of  his  Segundo  Cancionero 
Spiritual,  published  in  Antwerp  in  I558.1  In  the  King's 
privilege  Montemayor  is  styled  "  servant  of  the  most  serene 
Princess  of  Portugal,  his  sister  " ;  he  was  still,  as  we  see, 

is  thus  entitled :  "  Esta  Carta  embiaron  a  Montemayor  en  Flandes," 
which  again  agrees  with  the  known  facts.  In  this  poem  our  poet  men- 
tions Petrarch,  Bembo  and  Sannazaro,  with  whose  writings  he  was 
certainly  well  acquainted.  Indeed,  in  the  Cancionero  of  1554,  fol.  37v, 
is  found  the  following  close  imitation  of  a  well  known  sonnet  of 
Petrarch : 

"  Dichoso  a  sido  el  ano,  el  mes,  y  el  dia, 
la  hora,  y  el  momento  que  en  mirarte 
silencio  puso  amor  en  mi  alegria." 

From  the  evidence  given  above,  it  is  possible  that  some  of  the 
cop  las  written  by  poets  who  accompanied  Philip  II  to  England,  in 
I5SS»  may  be  by  Montemayor.  Cf.  Cancionero  General,  II,  p.  597 : 

No.  279.    Cancion  No.  280.    Cancion 

Que  no  quiero  amores  I  Ay  Dios  de  mi  tierra, 

en  Inglaterra,  Saqueysme  de  aqui ! 

pues  otros  mejores  I  Ay  que  Inglaterra 

tengo  yo  en  mi  tierra,  etc.  ya  no  es  para  mi,  etc. 

Evidence  of  the  fact  that  our  poet  was  in  the  service  of  Philip  II, 
in  1554,  is  found  in  the  "  Soneto  de  Francisco  de  Soto,  musico  de 
Camara  de  su  Magestad,"  in  which  he  alludes  to  Montemayor  as : 

" muy  excellente  trobador 

Nombrase  en  cas  del  Rey  Monte  mayor." 

This  Francisco  de  Soto  is  mentioned  in  both  the  lists  of  "  Cantores  y 
musicos  "  given  above,  in  which  our  poet  figures. 

1  It  is  well  known  that  in  all  subsequent  editions  to  the  first  (1554), 
the  Obras  of  Montemayor  were  divided  in  two  parts;  in  the  next  edi- 
tion (Antwerp,  1558)  the  first  part  is  entitled:  Segundo  Cancionero  de 
George  de  Monte  mayor  (Salva,  Catdlogo,  Vol.  I,  No.  296)  ;  the  second 
part :  Segundo  Cancionero  Spiritual  de  large  de  Monte  Mayor  dirigido 
Al  muy  magninco  Senor  leronimo  de  Salamanca  [device].  En  Anvers, 
En  casa  de  luan  Latio,  MDLVIII.  Con  Priuilegio.  12°,  251  pp. 
This  latter  part  Salva,  apparently,  had  never  seen.  It  is  carefully  de- 
scribed by  Prof.  Vollmoller  in  Romanische  Forschungen,  IV,  p.  333. 


30  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

in  the  service  of  the  Princess  Juana.  In  the  dedication, 
the  poet  states  that  "  he  has  been  labouring  many  days 
upon  this  book  and  communicating  with  many  theologians, 
as  well  in  these  states  of  Flanders  as  in  Spain." 

The  assertion  has  often  been  repeated  that  Montemayor, 
like  most  of  the  great  Spanish  poets,  was  also  a  soldier,  and 
it  is  supported  by  two  sonnets,  the  one  entitled  "  Yendose 
el  autor  a  Flandes  "  1  and  the  other  "  Partiendose  para  la 
guerra  ".2  The  latter  alludes  to  the  war  with  France,  and 
as  Menendez  y  Pelayo  observes,  the  only  war  of  Philip  II. 
with  France  in  which  the  poet  could  have  taken  part  was 
that  of  1555-1559,  memorable  for  the  victory  of  San 
Quintin.s  That  Montemayor  was  living  in  Valencia  while 
he  was  writing  his  Diana  is  exceedingly  likely ;  many  of  the 
ladies  whom  he  celebrates  in  the  Canto  de  Orfeo  were  resi- 
dents of  that  city. 

Montemayor  died  in  Piedmont  (in  Turin?)  on  Febru- 
ary 26,  1561,  killed,  as  it  seems,  in  a  duel  in  some  love 
affair.  That  his  death  was  sudden  and  violent,  is  shown, — 
in  addition  to  the  testimony  of  Padre  Ponce,  to  be  cited 
presently, — by  the  Elegy  of  Dorantes : 

"  With  tearful  voice,  O  muse  of  mine  now  sing 
The  dire  misfortune  and  the  sad  event, 
The  sudden  death,  grievous  and  violent 
Of  Lusitano,  for  whom  sorrowing 
All  nature  is  in  pitiful  lament, 
And  to  the  world  your  meed  of  sorrow  bring." 

And  again : 

1  Cancionero,  ed.  1571,  fol.  60. 

2  Ibid.,  fol.  5Qv.     Neither  of  these  sonnets  is  found  in  the  ed.  of 
1554- 

3  Origenes  de  la  Novela,  Vol.  I,  p.  cdl. 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR 

"  Rigorous  and  inexorable  fate 
Cut  with  disdain  the  sweet  thread  of  his  life 
With  death  untimely  and  incompassionate."  4 

4  "  Comiemja  musa  mia  dolorosa 
el  funesto  sucesso  y  desuentura, 
la  muerta  arrebatoda  y  presurosa 
de  nuestro  Lusitano  a  quien  natura 
oy  llora  con  muy  tierno  sentimiento, 
y  representa  al  mundo  su  tristura." 


La  inexorable  Parca  y  rigurosa 
corto  con  gran  desden  su  dulce  hilo, 
con  inmatura  muerte  y  lastimosa.  .  .  . 

Ed.  1624,  pp.  353,  355. 

Some  interesting  gossip  concerning  Montemayor  is  given  in  the 
dedication  written  by  Lourengo  Craesbeeck  to  the  edition  of  the  Diana 
which  he  printed  at  Lisbon  in  1624.  He  tells  us  that  it  was  Monte- 
mayor's  intention  to  celebrate  in  verse  the  discovery  of  the  East 
Indies,  but  that  death  prevented,  or  rather  that  Vasco  de  Gama  de- 
sired that  the  greatest  empire  in  the  world  should  be  reserved  for  the 
greatest  poet,  i.  e.  for  Camoes.  He  continues  :  "  So  great  was  the  fame 
of  Montemayor  that  there  was  not  a  house  in  which  the  Diana  was 
not  read,  nor  a  street  in  which  its  verses  were  not  sung,  nor  a  con- 
versation in  which  its  style  was  not  extolled;  everybody,  however 
great,  desired  a  personal  acquaintance  with  its  author,  who  was  x  in- 
vited to  that  splendid  entertainment  which  the  Duchess  of  Sessa  gave 
in  her  garden  to  the  principal  ladies  of  the  Court.  Montemayor,  en- 
tering with  some  servants  of  the  Duke,  in  whose  house  he  was  then 
lodged,  the  Duchess  introduced  him  to  her  guests,  who  inquired  about 
the  beauty  of  Diana,  about  the  grievous  action  of  the  shepherd  in 
marrying  her,  and  about  other  things  in  his  book,  to  which  he  replied 
with  many  gallantries,  not  a  little  proud  of  such  good-fortune.  The 
Marquise  of  Camarasa  asked  him  :  Sr.  Montemayor,  if  you  write 
such  pleasing  things  about  rustic  shepherds,  what  would  you  do  if 
you  were  asked  to  write  about  this  garden,  of  these  fountains  and 
these  Nymphs  which  you  see  here  ?  To  which  Montemayor  replied  : 
All  these  things,  my  lady,  are  matter  rather  for  wonderment  than 
for  the  pen.  And  the  Marquise  of  Guadalcassar,  who  was  present 
at  the  entertainment,  being  asked  what  pleased  her  most,  answered  : 
the  conversation  of  Montemayor.  Likewise,  Montemayor  being  one 
day  in  the  monastery  of  the  city  of  Leon,  where  he  was  convalescing 


32  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

It  is  probable  that  Montemayor  passed  the  last  two  or 
three  years  of  his  life  at  the  Court,  then  at  Valladolid. 
That  his  life  here  was  irksome  to  him  he  tells  us  in  a  letter 
to  his  friend,  D.  lorge  de  Meneses,  in  which,  moreover,  he 
paints  a  picture  of  his  surroundings,  which  is  far  from  flat- 
tering to  the  Court  set : 


"  Envy  alone  doth  move  me,  this  believe, 
More  than  all  other  cause,  that  should  I  write, 
Seeing  that  thou  this  Court  now  mayest  leave." 


Again : 

"  A  sea  of  discord  is  this  Court,  which  brings 
Profit  to  no  man,  save  by  basest  means: 
Hatred  and  envy,  lying,  murmurings." 

Everything  that  he  sees  about  him  is  false, — a  mere  pre- 
tense, a  make-believe;  there  is  no  room  for  honest  en- 
deavour; all  that  his  youth  looked  forward  to,  turns  out  a 
hollow  sham.  He  has  experienced  the  disillusionment  that 
comes  with  years,  and  he  longs  to  be  back  once  more  in  his 
native  land,  by  the  quiet  waters  of  the  Mondego  of  his 
youth.  These  longings  he  has  here  expressed  with  a  sim- 
plicity and  a  charm  that  are  indescribable,  and  which  rank 
this  poem  among  the  very  best  that  he  has  written.2 

from  an  illness,  he  asked  one  of  the  fathers  at  Mass,  to  recite  a 
gospel.  To  which  he  replied :  I  will  say  not  one  merely,  but  two,  and 
reciting  that  of  St.  John,  he  continued — and  now  here  is  the  other; 
that  you  are  the  most  flowering  wit  of  Spain." 

1  Cancionero,  ed.  1571,  fol.  74v.    This  Epistola  is  not  in  the  edition 
of  1554- 

2  "  De  la  vida  campestre  ora  tratemos, 
en  las  riberas  verdes  nos  metamos, 
que  todo  lo  demas  olvidaremos. 
Al  campo  de  Mondego  nos  salgamos, 
Al  pie  del  alto  fresno,  sobre  el  rio 
que  los  pastores  tanto  celebramos. 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR 


33 


The  Diana  is  the  principal  work  of  Montemayor  and  the 
one  by  which  he  is  best  known.  The  year  in  which  it  ap- 
peared is  not  certain,  as  the  first  edition  printed  at  Valencia, 
is  undated.  In  all  probability  it  issued  from  the  press  in 
I559-1  In  this  year>  as  we  are  told  by  Fray  Bartholome 

lamas  te  olvidare,  Mondego  mio, 
ni  aun  olvidarte  yo  sera  en  mi  mano, 
sino  fuesse  por  muerte  o  desuario. 
En  tu  florido  campo  muy  ufano, 
tu  dulce  primauera  quien  la  oluida, 
sino  quien  a  si  proprio  es  inhumane? 
Aquella  alta  arboleda,  aquella  vida 
que  a  su  sombra  el  pastor  cansado  lleua, 
y  el  aue  oye  cantar  de  amor  herida. 
Aquel  ver  madurar  la  fruta  nueua, 
aquel  ver  como  esta  granado  el  trigo, 
y  el  labrador  quel  lino  a  empozar  lleua."      (fol.  76.) 
1  Los  siete  Libros  de  la  Diana  de  lorge  de  Montemayor,  dirigidos 
al  muy  Illustre  senor  don  loan  Castella  de   Vilanoua,  senor  de  las 
baronias  de  Bicorb,  y  Quesa.     [Oval  device :   En  una  fe  tostemps.] 
Impresso  en  Valencia.    4°,  iv  -f-  112  ff.     (Salva,  Catalogo,  Vol.  II,  p. 
167.    It  bears  neither  date  nor  printer's  name,  but  Salva  says :  "  la  im- 
primio  positivamente  Joan  Mey")      I   have   again    (1910)    examined 
the  copy  in  the  Ticknor  library,   Boston,  which  bears  the  factitious 
date  1542.    I  am  now  convinced  that  it  was  done  with  a  pen.    See  the 
note  in  the  Ticknor  Catalogue,  p.  234,  where  the  opinion  is  expressed 
that  "  this  date  was   foisted  into  the  title-page  when  it  was   sold." 
The  next  earliest  dated  edition  known  bears  on  the  title-page :  "  Agora 
nueuamente  anadido  de  ciertas  obras  del  mismo  autor,  y  con  diligencia 
corregido.     (At  the  end:)   Fue  impressa  la  presente  obra  en  la  muy 
noble  y  leal  ciudad  de  Caragoc.a,  en  casa  de  Pedro  Bernuz.  .  .  .  Aca- 
bose  a  veinte  de  Agosto,  ano  1560."     Small  8°.     It  contains  "La  His- 
toria  de  Alcida  y  Sylvano,  compuesta  por   lorge   de   Montemayor." 
There  is  another,  but  undated  edition,   "  In   Milano  por  Andrea  de 
Ferrari,  nel  corso  di  porta  Tosa,"  described  by  Menendez  y  Pelayo, 
Origenes,   Vol.    I,    p.    cdlxii,    which   may   belong   to   the   same   year. 
Four  editions  appeared  in  1561 :  Anvers,  por  luan  Stelsio ;  Barcelona, 
por  Jayme  Cortey;  Cuenca,  por  Juan  de  Canova,  and  Valladolid,  por 
Francisco  Fernandez  de  Cordoba.     Of  these  I  possess  the  Antwerp 
edition;  it  does  not  contain  the  story  of  Abindarraez,  which  was  first 
added  in  that  of  Valladolid,  1561-62.     A  bibliography,  containing  all 


34  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Ponce,1  that  Montemayor  was  in  Valladolid,  then  the  Court 
of  Spain  "  when  everybody  was  reading  the  Diana."  Such 
popularity  certainly  implies  a  recent  appearance  of  the 
work. 

Whether  the  lady  whose  praises  Montemayor  sings  in 
his  Cautioner o  under  the  name  of  '  Marfida '  is  identical 
with  the  *  Diana '  of  his  pastoral  romance,  there  is  no 
means  of  determining  with  certainty.  I  am  inclined  to  be- 
lieve that  she  is  not.2  Lope  de  Vega  tells  us  that  "  the 
Diana  of  Montemayor  was  a  lady  of  Valencia  de  Don 

editions  as  late  as  that  of  Lisbon,  1624  (which  I  also  possess),  will 
be  found  in  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Origenes,  Vol.  I,  p.  cdlxiii;  see  also 
Schonherr,  pp.  80  ff.  The  only  other  important  work  of  Montemayor 
(besides  those  previously  mentioned),  is  his  translation  of  the  Catalan 
poet  Ausias  March,  which  probably  appeared  at  Valencia,  before 
1560.  Salva,  Catalogo,  Vol.  I,  p.  275.  It  is  of  this  work  that  Lope 
de  Vega  says :  "  Castissimos  son  aquellos  versos  que  escriuio  Ausias 
March  en  lengua  Lemosina,  que  tan  mal  y  sin  entenderlos  Montemayor 
traduxo."  Hermosura  de  Angelica,  Madrid,  1602,  fol.  338v. 

1  Primera  parte  de  la  Clara  Diana  a  lo  diuino,  repartida  en  siete 
libros.     Compuesta  par  el  muy  Reverendo   Padre   fray   Bartholome 
Ponce.     En  Caragoqa,  Impressa  por  Lorenzo  de  Robles.     Ano  1599. 
8°.     There  was  an  edition  at  Epila,   1580.     Salva,  Catalogo,  II,  No. 
1944.     In  the  prologo  he  says :  "  Being  at  the  Court  of  Philip  II,  in 
*5S9>  I  saw  and  read  the  Diana  of  Montemayor,  which  was  at  that 
time  in  such  favor  as  I  had  never  seen  any  book  in  the  vernacular. 
Expressing  a  desire  to  know  the  author,  I  was  introduced  to  him  at 
the  house  of  a  friend.    Taking  courage  to  tell  him  that  he  was  wasting 
time   and   talents   in   making   rhymes   and   composing  books   of   love, 
Montemayor,  with  a  hearty  laugh,  replied :  Padre  Ponce,  let  the  friars 
do  penance  for  all;  as  for  the  hijosdalgo,  arms  and  love  are  their  pro- 
fession. .  .  .  May  God  have  mercy  on  his  soul,  for  I  never  saw  him 
again.     A  few  months  after  this,  I  was  told  how  a  good  friend  of 
his  had  killed  him  on  account  of  jealousy,  or  some  love-affair." 

2  Menendez  y  Pelayo  also  leans  to  the  belief  that  they  were  different 
persons.     Origenes,  Vol.  I,  p.  cdli.    Schonherr,  op.  cit.,  is  of  the  con- 
trary opinion.     I  may  add  that  the  1554  ed.  of  the  Cancionero  con- 
tains but  two  eclogues,  while  the  later  editions  have   four.     In  the 
"  Egloga  tercera  a  la  senora  Dona  Isabel  osorio,"  the  characters  are 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR 


35 


Juan,  near  Leon,  and  its  stream,  the  Ezla,  and  the  lady  will 
be  immortal  through  his  pen."  1  This  agrees  not  only  with 
the  romance,  but  also  with  the  story  related  by  Faria  i 
Sousa,2  according  to  which  she  is  said  to  have  been  still 
living  in  that  town  in  1602,  when  she  was  visited  by  Philip 
the  Third  and  Queen  Margaret.  She  is  described  as  even 
then  bearing  traces  of  her  former  beauty,  though  more  than 
sixty  years  old.  This  would  fix  her  birth  somewhere  about 
1540,  and  would,  of  course,  effectually  dispose  of  the  belief 
that  an  edition  of  the  Diana  existed  as  early  as  1542,  when 
the  heroine  was  only  two  years  old.3 

The  story  of  the  Diana  is  briefly  given  by  the  author  in 
his  '  Argumento  '  as  follows :  "  In  the  fields  of  the  ancient 
and  celebrated  city  of  Leon,  by  the  banks  of  the  river  Ezla, 
there  lived  a  shepherdess  named  Diana,  more  beautiful  than 
any  of  her  time.  She  loved  and  was  loved  in  return  by  a 
shepherd  named  Sireno,  with  a  love  chaste  and  pure.  At 
the  same  time  she  was  loved  by  another  shepherd,  Silvano, 
whom  she,  however,  abhorred.  It  now  happened  that 

Diana,  Marfida,  Danteo  and  Floriano.  In  the  opening  lines  Diana 
bewails  the  absence  of  Sireno :  "  Do  estas,  Sireno  mio  ?"  while  Mar- 
fida is  in  love  with  Lusitano.  Now,  we  know  that  Sireno  is  the  poeti- 
cal name  assumed  by  Montemayor  in  the  Diana,  while  the  one  he 
adopts  in  his  poems  is  Lusitano;  so  there  is  no  inconsistency.  As 
the  scene  in  this  eclogue  is  also  laid  on  the  banks  of  "  el  claro  rio 
Mondego  celebrado,"  (fol.  i5ov,  ed.  of  1571),  it  shows  that  Monte- 
mayor  had  already  revolved  the  subject  in  his  mind  and  that,  very 
probably,  the  Diana  grew  out  of  this  eclogue. 

1  La  Dorotea,  Act  II,  Sc.  II,  fol.  S2v,  ed.  of  1632. 

2  In  his  commentary  on  the  Lusiadas  de  Luis  de  Camoes,  Madrid, 
J639,  Vol.  II,  col.  434,  which  is  also  related  by  Sepulveda,  Historia  de 
varios  sucesos,  MS.  Vol.  II,  Ch.  XII.     See  Bosquejo  historico  sobre 
la  Novela  espanola,  by  D.  Eustaquio  Fernandez  de  Navarrete,  pre- 
fixed to  Vol.  33  of  the  Bib.  de  Aut.  espanoles  (p.  xxvii,  note). 

3  Since  the  first  ed.  of  this  book  the  whole  matter  has  been  re- 
viewed by  Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  Revue  Hispanique,  II,  p.  304,   and  see 
also  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Origenes,  p.  cdlix. 


36  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Sireno  was  obliged  to  leave  the  kingdom  upon  matters 
which  admitted  of  no  excuse.  For  a  while  Diana  grieved 
on  account  of  his  absence,  but  as  time  changed,  her  heart 
changed  also,  and  she  was  married  to  another  shepherd 
named  Delio.  Sireno,  returning  after  a  year's  absence, 
learns  of  her  marriage,  "  and  here  begins  the  first  book, 
and  in  the  remaining  ones  you  shall  find  various  histories 
of  things  that  have  really  happened,  although  disguised 
beneath  a  pastoral  style." 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  Argument  that  the  Diana  had 
its  origin  in  an  actual  event  in- the  life  of  its  author,  or  so, 
at  least,  he  leads  us  to  infer,  and  that,  perhaps,  his  prin- 
cipal object  in  writing  it  was  to  find  expression  for  the  sor- 
row and  despair  of  a  great  disappointment,  and  thus  obtain 
that  relief  and  consolation  which  imparting  our  ills  to 
others  often  gives. 

"  A  raconter  ses  maux  souvent  on  les  soulage."  x 

It  should  be  observed  here,  however,  that  it  has  been  ser- 
iously doubted  whether  Montemayor  is  the  protagonist  of 
the  Diana,  and  whether  the  love  he  relates  has  any  basis 
in  fact.2 

1  Or,  in  the  words  of  Montemayor  in  an  "  Epistola "  prefixed  to 
the  Diana:  "  Curar  piensa  sus  males  con  dezillos." 

2  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Origenes,  Vol.  I,  p.  cdxlv.    That,  in  the  early 
years  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  story  of  the  Diana  was  gener- 
ally believed  to  be  founded  upon  an  actual  fact  in  Montemayor's  life, 
can  hardly  be  doubted.     Upon  this  point  the  testimony  of  Lope  de 
Vega,  given  above   (p.  35)   is  clear.     Lope's  memory   (he  was  born 
in  the  year   following   Montemayor's  death)    certainly   reached  back 
to  a  time  when  everything  concerning  our  poet  was  vivid  in  the  minds 
of  educated  men;  indeed,  Lope  may  have  had  his  information  from 
one   who    had    personally   known    Montemayor.      His    own    pastoral 
romance,  the  Arcadia,  was  begun  about  1592,  and  we  may  well  believe 
that  his  interest  in  the  subject  and  in  its  celebrated  exemplar,  had 
long  antedated  this  period.    Craesbeeck,  the  Portuguese  printer,  tells 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  37 

The  form  and  construction  of  the  Diana  may  have  been 
matters  of  subordinate  irhport  to  Montemayor,  but  a  work 
is  to  be  judged  as  it  stands,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that 
the  Diana  is  not  without  serious  defects:  many  of  its  in- 
cidents are  loosely  interwoven ;  there  is  a  lack  of  cohesion ; 
the  narrative  is  sometimes  involved  and  is  often  inter- 
rupted by  long  digressions,  so  that  the  thread  of  the  main 
story  is  lost  and  the  interest  flags.  This  want  of  logical 
development, — the  failure  to  properly  subordinate  the  var- 
ious incidents  of  the  story  and  thus  hold  the  attention  of 
the  reader,  is  a  fault  conspicuous  not  only  in  the  Diana,  but 
in  all  Spanish  romances  of  its  class.  Many  of  the  incidents 
in  the  Diana  are  quite  improbable,  and  its  beauty  is  often 
marred  by  an  excessive  sentimentality,  at  times  bordering 
on  the  ridiculous.1  A  few  excerpts  will  illustrate  this: 

us  (see  above,  p.  31)  that  Montemayor  had  been  ill  for  some  time  in 
the  city  of  Leon,  the  scene  of  the  Diana.  It  is  fair  to  presume  that 
this  was  a  well-known  tradition  at  the  time,  1624.  As  to  the  story 
related  by  Faria  y  Sousa  in  1639,  we  must  admit  that  we  should  be 
on  surer  ground  had  it  been  vouched  for  by  some  more  reliable 
chronicler.  Faria  says  that  the  lady  celebrated  as  Diana  was  named 
Ana,  and  that  she  was  one  of  the  wealthiest  persons  in  Valencia  de 
Don  Juan.  Mad.  de  Vasconcellos  thinks  that  the  name  Marfida,  under 
which  Montemayor  had  celebrated  his  lady  in  his  early  poems,  is  an 
anagram  of  Margarida,  but  the  name  Marfida  or  Marfisa  is  found  in 
Boiardo  and  Ariosto,  and  in  the  Espejo  de  Caballerias,  which  appeared 
at  Seville  in  1533,  and  occurs  frequently  both  at  this  time  and  later. 
It  is,  probably,  of  no  significance  in  the  present  inquiry.  But  as 
already  stated  above,  the  germ  of  the  Diana  is  present  in  the  third 
Eclogue  of  Montemayor,  though  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  Diana 
and  Marfida  are  different  persons. 

1  In  this  respect,  however,  the  Diana  was  surpassed  by  some  of  the 
works  that  followed  it.  Sidney's  Arcadia  shows  some  remarkable 
passages:  "The  sun  drew  clouds  up  to  hide  his  face  from  so  pitiful 
a  sight,  and  the  very  stone  wall  did  yield  drops  of  sweat  for  agony 
of  such  a  mischief:  each  senseless  thing  had  sense  of  pity;  only  they 
that  had  sense  were  senseless."  (Book  III,  p.  537,  ed.  of  I743-) 

A  shepherd  in  despair  exclaims:  "O  thrice  happy  I,  if  I  had  per- 


38  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

"  Venia  pues  el  triste  Sireno,  los  ojos  hechos  fuentes,  el 
rostro  mudado  y  el  coragon  tan  hecho  a  desuenturas,  que 
si  la  fortuna  le  quisiera  dar  algun  contento,  fuera  menester 
buscar  otro  coragon  nueuo  para  recibille."  (Book  I.) 

ished  whilst  I  was  altogether  unhappy;  then,  when  a  dejected  shep- 
herd offensive  to  the  perfection  of  the  world,  I  could  hardly,  being 
oppressed  by  contempt,  make  myself  worthy  to  be  disdained,  disdain 
to  be  despised,  despised  being  a  degree  of  grace.  O  would  to  God 
that  I  had  died  obscurely,  whilst  my  life  might  still  have  lived  famous 
with  others  and  my  death  have  died  with  myself."  (Bk.  Ill,  p.  598.) 
Another  shepherd  complains :  "  O  my  dun-cow,  I  did  think  some  evil 
was  towards  me  ever  since  the  last  day  thou  didst  run  away  from  me, 
and  held  up  thy  tail  so  pitifully:  did  I  not  see  an  eagle  kill  a  cuckoo, 
which  was  a  plain  foretoken  unto  me,  Pamela  should  be  my  destruc- 
tion? O  wife  Miso,  if  I  durst  say  it  to  thy  face,  why  didst  thou 
suspect  thy  husband,  that  loveth  a  piece  of  cheese  better  than  a 
woman,"  etc.  (Bk.  IV,  p.  731.)  Or  such  verses  as  these,  which  can 
add  nothing  to  Sidney's  reputation : 

As  I  my  little  flock  on  Ister  bank 

(A  little  flock;  but  well  my  pipe  they  couth) 

Did  piping  lead,  the  sun  already  sank 

Beyond  our  world,  and  e'er  I  got  my  booth, 

Each  thing  with  mantle  black  the  night  doth  scoth ; 

Saving  the  glow-worm  which  would  courteous  be 

Of  'that  small  light  oft  watching  shepherds  see. 

The  welkin  had  full  niggardly  enclosed 

In  coffer  of  dim  clouds  his  silver  groats, 

Ycleped  stars;  each  thing  to  rest  disposed, 

The  caves  were  full,  the  mountains  void  of  goats : 

The  birds'  eyes  clos'd;  closed  their  chirping  notes. 

As  for  the  nightingale,  wood-musick's  king: 

It  August  was,  he  deign'd  not  then  to  sing.        (Page  711.) 

I  have  not  read  Sidney's  Arcadia  for  many  years,  and  no  longer 
have  a  stomach  for  such  pastime.  So  I  must  confess  that  I  am  one 
of  those  "degenerate  readers  of  our  day"  to  whom  "the  Arcadia 
seems  almost  as  tedious  as  Hazlitt  thought  it."  (Fitzmaurice-Kelly, 
The  Relation  between  Spanish  and  English  Literature,  Liverpool,  1910, 
p.  19.) 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR 


39 


Love  drives  poor  Silvano  out  of  his  senses : 

"  Pues  como  este  pastor  (Silvano)  fuesse  tan  mal  tra- 
tado  de  amor,  y  tan  desfauorecido  de  Diana,  mil  vezes  la 
pasion  le  hazia  salir  de  seso,  de  manera  que  hoy  daua  en 
dezir  mal  de  amor,  mafiana  en  alaballe:  un  dia  en  estar 
ledo,  y  otro  en  estar  mas  triste  que  todos  los  tristes,"  etc. 
(Book  II,  fol.  45,  ed.  1561.)  Belisa  is  determined  to  be 
wretched ;  she  says :  "  Muy  gran  consuelo  seria  para  tan 
desconsolado  coragon  como  este  mio,  estar  segura  de  que 
nadie  con  palabras  ni  con  obras  pretendiesse  darmele,  por- 
que  la  gran  razon,  o  hermosas  Nimphas,  que  tengo  de  biuir 
tan  enbuelta  en  tristezas  como  biuo,  ha  puesto  enemistad 
entre  mi  y  el  consuelo  de  mi  mal ;  de  manera  que  si  pensasse 
en  algun  tiempo  tenelle,  yo  misma  me  daria  la  muerte." 
(Fol.  96.) 

Their  tears  augment  the  streams  and  cause  the  grass  to 
grow: 

"  Mas  que  ventura  ha  guiado  tan  hermosa  compafiia,  a 
do  jamas  se  vio  cosa  que  diesse  contento?  Quien  pensays 
que  haze  crescer  la  verde  yerua  desta  ysla,  y  acrescentar 
las  aguas  que  le  cercan,  sino  mis  lagrimas  ?  Quien  pensays 
que  menea  los  arboles  deste  hermoso  valle,  sino  la  boz  de 
mis  sospiros  tristes,  que  inflamando  el  ayre,  hazen  aquello 
que  el  por  si  no  haria?  Porque  pensays  que  cantan  los 
dulces  paxaros  por  entre  las  matas,  quando  el  dorado  Phebo 
esta  en  toda  su  fuerga,  sino  para  ayudar  a  llorar  mis  des- 
uenturas?  A  que  pensays  que  las  temerosas  fieras  salen  al 
verde  prado,  sino  a  oyr  mis  continuas  quexas  ?  "  (Fol.  97.) 

The  shepherds  are  so  overcome  by  this  recital  that  they 
all  weep :  "  Con  tantas  lagrymas  dezia  esto  la  hermosa  pas- 
tora,  que  no  hauia  ninguno  de  los  que  alii  estauan,  que  las 
suyas  detener  pudiesse." 

As  the  contents  of  Montemayor's  romance  have  been 


40  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

set  forth  by  several  writers,1  a  brief  analysis  will  be  suffi- 
cient here. 

The  '  forgotten  '  Syreno,  coming  from  the  mountain  dis- 
tricts of  Leon,  arrives  at  the  delightful  meadows  watered 
by  the  Ezla,  and  muses  upon  "  the  happy  time  when,  in 
these  fields  and  by  these  lovely  banks,  he  tended  his  flocks." 
Here  he  passed  his  days  oblivious  of  the  outer  world  till 
"  cruel  Amor  "  made  him  his  slave.  "  Reclining  at  the 
foot  of  a  beech  tree,  his  eyes  followed  the  beautiful  banks 
until  they  rested  upon  the  spot  where  first  he  had  seen  the 
beautiful,  graceful  and  chaste  Diana,  in  whom  nature  had 
united  every  perfection."  "  What  his  heart  then  felt,  let 
him  imagine  who  ever  found  himself  amid  sad  memories." 
He  thinks  of  the  time  when  Diana  swore  eternal  fidelity 
to  him  "  with  tears  gushing  from  her  lovely  eyes  like  ori- 
ental pearls,  as  witnesses  of  what  she  felt  within  her  heart, 
bidding  him  believe  what  she  had  told  him  so  many  times." 
He  now  draws  forth  from  his  breast  a  paper  containing 
some  threads  of  green  silk  and  some  locks  of  hair,  "  and 
such  locks!  and  placing  them  upon  the  green  grass,  with 
many  tears,  he  takes  up  his  lute,  not  as  joyfully  as  in  the 
days  when  he  was  favored  by  Diana,"  and  sings  as  follows : 

Cabellos  quanta  mudanga 

he  visto  despues  que  os  vi, 

y  quan  mal  paresce  ay 

essa  color  desperanc.a. 
Bien  pensaua  yo,  cabellos, 

(aunque  con  algun  temor) 

que  no  fuera  otro  pastor 

digno  de  verse  cabe  ellos. 
Ay  cabellos,  quantos  dias 

la  mi  Diana  miraua, 

si  os  traya,  o  si  os  dexaua, 

y  otras  cien  mil  ninerias. 

1  See  Dunlop's  History  of  Fiction;  Schonherr,  already  quoted,  and 
Kressner,  Zur  Geschichte  der  pastoral  Dichtung,  in  Herrig's  Archiv, 
Vol.  LXVI  (p.  309). 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  41 

Y  quantas  vezes  llorando 
(ay  lagrimas  enganosas) 
pedia  celos,  de  cosas 
de  que  yo  estaua  burlando. 

Los  ojos  que  me  matauan, 

dezi,  dorados  cabellos, 

que  culpa  tuue  en  creellos, 

pues  ellos  me  assegurauan? 
No  vistes  vos  que  algun  dia 

mil  lagrimas  derramaua, 

hasta  que  yo  le  juraua, 

que  sus  palabras  creya? 

Quien  vio  tanta  hermosura 

en  tan  mudable  subiecto? 

y  en  amador  tan  perfecto, 

quien  vio  tanta  desuentura? 
O  cabellos,  no  os  correys, 

por  venir  de  a  do  venistes, 

viendome  como  me  vistes, 

en  verme  como  me  veys? 

Sobre  el  arena  sentada 

de  aquel  rio,  la  vi  yo, 

do  con  el  dedo  escriuio : 

antes  muerta,  que  mudada. 
Mira  el  amor  lo  que  ordena, 

que  os  viene  a  hazer  creer 

cosas  dichas  por  muger, 

y  escritas  en  el  arena.     (Fol.  4.) 

Replacing  the  "  golden  locks,"  he  finds  in  his  shepherd's 
scrip  a  letter,  formerly  written  to  him  by  Diana,  which 
he  reads,  and  "  deeply  sighing,"  says :  "  How  could  forget- 
fulness  ever  enter  a  breast  whence  such  words  have  is- 
sued ?  "  Sireno  now  observes  another  shepherd  approach- 
ing, to  whom  he  exclaims :  "  Alas !  unhappy  shepherd, 
though  not  so  unhappy  as  I."  It  is  the  desamado  Silvano, 
once  the  rival  of  Sireno,  but  who  became  his  friend  on 
learning  that  Diana  returned  the  latter's  love.  Silvano 
takes  up  his  pipe,  and  "  sings  with  great  sadness  " : 


42  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Amador  soy,  mas  nunca  fuy  amado : 
quise  bien  y  querre,  no  soy  querido; 
fatigas  passo,  y  nunca  las  he  dado; 
sospiros  di,  mas  nunca  fuy  oydo; 
quexarme  quise,  y  no  fuy  escuchado; 
huyr  quise  de  Amor,  quede  corrido, 
de  solo  oluido  no  podre  quexarme, 
porque  aun  no  se  acordaron  d'oluidarme. 

Yo  hago  a  qualquier  mal  solo  un  semblante, 
jamas  estuue  hoy  triste,  ayer  contento; 
no  miro  atras,  ni  temo  yr  adelante, 
un  rostra  hago  al  mal,  o  al  bien  que  siento; 
tan  fuera  voy  de  mi  como  el  dangante, 
que  haze  a  qualquier  son  un  mouimiento, 
y  assi  me  gritan  todos  como  a  loco, 
pero  segun  estoy,  aun  esto  es  poco. 

La  noche  a  un  amador  le  es  enojosa, 
quando  del  dia  atiende  bien  alguno, 
y  el  otro  de  la  noche  espera  cosa 
qu'el  dia  le  haze  largo  e  importuno; 
con  lo  que  un  hombre  cansa,  otro  reposa, 
tras  su  desseo  camina  cada  uno, 
mas  yo  siempre  llorando  el  dia  espero, 
y  en  viendo  el  dia  por  la  noche  muero. 

Quexarme  yo  de  Amor  es  escusado, 
pinta  en  el  agua,  o  da  bozes  al  viento, 
busca  remedio  en  quien  jamas  le  ha  dado, 
que  al  fin  venga  a  dexalle  sin  descuento; 
llegaos  a  el  a  ser  aconsejado, 
diraos  un  disparate,  y  otros  ciento; 
pues  quien  es  este  Amor?    Es  una  sciencia 
que  no  la  alcanga  estudio,  ni  esperiencia. 

Amaua  mi  senora  al  su  Sireno, 
dexaua  a  mi,  quic,a  que  lo  acertaua; 
yo  triste  a  mi  pesar  tenia  por  bueno 
lo  que  en  la  vida  y  alma  me  tocaua. 
A  estar  mi  cielo  algun  dia  sereno, 
quexara  yo  de  amor  si  le  anublaua, 
mas  ningun  bien  dire  que  me  ha  quitado; 
ved,  como  quitara  lo  que  no  ha  dado? 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  43 

No  es  cosa  Amor,  que  aquel  que  no  lo  tiene 
hallara  feria  a  do  pueda  comprallo, 
ni  cosa  que  en  llamandola  se  viene, 
ni  que  le  hallareys  yendo  a  buscallo; 
que  si  de  vos  no  nasce,  no  conuiene 
pensar  que  ha  de  nascer  de  procurallo, 
y  pues  que  jamas  puede  amor  forgarse, 
no  tiene  el  desamado  que  quexarse.       (Fol.  6.) 

Perceiving  Sireno  by  the  fountain,  he  draws  near,  and 
"  they  embrace  each  other  with  many  tears."  The  two 
"  unloved  "  lovers  console  one  another.  Silvano  now  re- 
lates how  Diana  at  first  pined  during  Sireno's  absence, — 
how  he  had  once  observed  her  lying  upon  the  ground  weep- 
ing ;  how  Diana  then  drew  forth  a  small  pipe,  "  and  played 
so  sweetly  that  the  valley,  the  mountain,  the  river  and  the 
enamoured  birds, — even  the  wild  beasts  of  the  dense  wood 
were  charmed."  Afterwards,  with  tearful  eyes,  gazing 
into  the  clear  fountain,  she  sang : 

"  Ojos,  que  ya  no  veys  quien  os  miraua 
(quando  erades  espejo  en  que  se  via) 
que  cosa  podreys  ver  que  os  de  contento?"  (Fol.  12.) 

Silvano,  continuing,  relates  how,  on  approaching,  he  was 
invited  by  Diana  to  sit  beside  her.  How  he  began  to  tell 
Diana  of  his  love  for  her,  whereupon  she  promptly  inter- 
rupted him,  saying :  "  If  your  tongue  again  dares  to  speak 
of  your  own  affairs,  and  fails  to  speak  to  me  of  my  Sireno, 
I  shall  leave  you  to  enjoy  this  clear  spring  at  your  pleas- 
ure." On  hearing  this  Sireno  sighs  and  asks  whether 
Diana  is  happy  since  her  marriage  with  Delio,  to  which 
Silvano  replies :  "  They  tell  me  that  she  is  not  happy,  for 
though  Delio,  her  husband,  is  rich  in  the  gifts  of  fortune, 
he  is  poor  in  the  gifts  of  nature,"  etc.,  "  for  Delio  cannot 
play,  sing  and  wrestle,  nor  dance  with  the  mozas  on  Sun- 
day." 

A  sad  shepherdess  now  draws  near ;  it  is  Selvagia,  the 


44  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

friend  of  Diana,  who,  addressing  the  shepherds,  says: 
"  What  are  ye  doing  here,  O  unloved  shepherds,  in  this 
green  and  delightful  meadow  ? "  A  discussion  follows 
upon  the  fickleness  of  woman,  after  which  Selvagia  relates 
how  she  was  deceived  by  the  false  Alanio,  and  of  the  com- 
plications which  arose  in  the  love  of  a  number  of  shep- 
herds and  shepherdesses;  each  is  in  love  with  some  one 
who  loves  somebody  else  (cada  uno  per  dido  por  quien  no 
le  queria) .  "  It  was  the  strangest  thing  in  the  world  to 
hear  how  Alanio,  sighing,  would  say :  "  Alas,  Ismenia ! 
how  Ismenia  said :  Alas,  Montano !  and  how  Montano  said : 
Alas,  Selvagia !  and  how  Selvagia  said :  Alas,  my  Alanio !  " 
The  latter,  we  are  told,  lost  no  time  in  punishing  Ismenia, 
for,  fixing  his  eyes  upon  Selvagia,  he  sang  this  antiguo 
cantar: 

"  Amor  loco,  ay  amor  loco, 
yo  por  vos,  y  vos  por  otro,"  etc. 

The  result  of  all  this  sighing  is  that  Montano  marries  Is- 
menia. Having  finished  her  story,  "  Selvagia  began  to 
shed  copious  tears,  and  the  shepherds  aided  her  therein,  for 
it  was  an  occupation  in  which  they  had  great  experience." 

The  second  book  opens  with  a  long  complaint  of  Sel- 
vagia's,  after  which  she  sings  some  sestinas.  Silvano  now 
appears,  singing  some  octavas  to  the  music  of  a  lute;  both 
sit  down  beneath  the  shade  of  a  dense  myrtle,  and  with 
many  sighs  and  a  fair  amount  of  tears,  they  relate  to  each 
other  their  imaginary  woes.  To  Silvano's  query  "  perhaps 
thou  knowest  some  remedy  for  our  ills  ? "  Selvagia  an- 
swers: "I  do  know  one,  shepherd;  it  is  to  cease  loving." 
The  "  forgotten  "  Sireno  is  now  heard  singing  a  sonnet, 
and  scarcely  had  they  greeted  the  new-comer  and  proceeded 
together  to  "  the  fountain  of  the  Alders,"  when  they  heard 
several  voices  singing.  Advancing  cautiously,  they  per- 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR 


45 


ceive  three  nymphs,  Dorida,  Cynthia  and  Polydora.  Do- 
rida  now  sings  of  the  love  of  Diana  and  Sireno,  much  to 
the  astonishment  of  Sireno,  who  is  concealed  behind  the 
trees.  The  whole  story  is  sung  in  a  long  cancion,  of  which 
one  of  the  strophes  is  as  follows : 

Diana  speaks:         Toma,  pastor,  un  cordon 
que  hize  de  mis  cabellos, 
porque  se  te  acuerde  en  vellos 
que  tomaste  posesion 
de  mi  coragon  y  dellos. 
Y  este  anillo  as  de  lleuar 
do  estan  dos  manos  asidas, 
que  aunque  se  acaben  las  vidas, 
no  se  pueden  apartar 
dos  almos  que  estan  unidas. 

Sireno  gives  to  Diana  his  shepherd's  crook  and  his  lute, 
"  to  which  he  has  sung  to  her  a  thousand  canciones,  re- 
counting her  perfections." 

Thus :  Ambos  a  dos  se  abragaron, 

y  esta  fue  la  vez  primera, 
y  pienso  fue  la  postrera, 
por  que  los  tiempos  mudaron 
el  amor  de  otra  manera. 
Y  aunque  a  Diana  le  dio 
pena  rabiosa  y  mortal 
la  ausencia  de  su  zagal, 
en  ella  misma  hallo 
el  remedio  de  su  mal.       (Fol.  SQv.) 

Scarcely  had  Dorida  finished  her  song,  when  three  wild 
men,  "  very  tall  and  ugly,"  rush  out  of  the  wood,  seize  the 
nymphs  and  bind  their  hands.  Now  the  shepherds  spring 
from  their  ambush  and  attack  the  giants  with  slings.  The 
shepherds  were  getting  the  worst  of  the  contest,  when  sud- 
denly, out  of  the  thick  grove  there  appeared  a  maiden  of 
wonderful  beauty,  who  immediately  sends  an  arrow 
through  the  heart  of  one  of  the  giants,  and  finally  slays 


46  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

them  all.  The  nymphs  turn  out  to  be  priestesses  of  Diana, 
and  the  rescuing  maiden,  whose  name  is  Felismena,  now 
relates  her  story.  After  a  brief  account  of  her  early  years, 
she  informs  us  how,  at  the  age  of  seventeen  she  was  be- 
loved by  Don  Felix,  whose  love,  at  first,  she  did  not  return. 
Don  Felix  sends  a  letter  by  Rosina,  the  maid  of  Felismena, 
which  letter  the  latter  rejects,  saying:  "If  I  did  not  ob- 
serve who  I  am  and  what  might  be  said,  I  should  mark 
your  face — which  shows  little  modesty — so  that  it  were 
easily  known  among  all  others.  But  since  this  is  the  first 
time,  let  what  is  done  suffice,  but  beware  the  second  time." 
"  It  seems  to  me,"  continued  Felismena,  "  that  I  can  still 
see  that  traitorous  Rosina,  who,  with  a  friendly  counten- 
ance, knew  how  to  be  silent,  dissimulating  her  true  feelings 
at  my  angry  outburst,  and  with  a  feigned  smile  saying  to 
me :  I  gave  this  letter  to  your  grace  so  that  we  might  both 
laugh  over  it,  but  not  that  you  should  get  angry  on  account 
of  it."  Presently,  however,  a  desire  arose  in  Felismena  to 
read  the  letter,  though  modesty  forbade  her  ask  her  maid 
for  it  after  what  had  occurred  between  them.  And  so  the 
day  passed  till  night,  mid  various  thoughts.  "  And  when 
Rosina,"  Felismena  continues,  "  entered  to  disrobe  me,  at 
the  time  when  I  was  wont  to  retire,  heaven  knows  whether 
I  wished  that  she  should  again  importune  me  to  receive  the 
letter,  but  I  did  not  wish  to  speak  of  it,  and  in  order  to  see 
whether  opening  the  way  would  be  of  any  advantage,  I 
said :  And  so,  Rosina,  Senor  Don  Felix  was  so  bold  as  to 
write  to  me  ?  To  which  she  answered  dryly :  '  My  lady, 
these  are  things  that  love  brings  with  it;  I  beg  you  to  for- 
give me,  for  if  I  had  thought  that  it  would  anger  you,  I 
would  rather  have  torn  out  my  eyes.'  That  night  was  the 
longest  that  Felismena  had  ever  passed." 

"  Day  having  come,  and  later  than  I  had  wished  it,  the 
prudent  Rosina  again  entered  to  dress  me,  and  deftly  let 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMA  YOR 


47 


the  letter  fall  upon  the  floor,  and  as  I  saw  it,  I  said:  what 
is  that  that  just  fell?  Show  it  to  me.  It  is  nothing,  my 
lady,  said  she.  Show  it  to  me,  and  do  not  make  me  angry, 
or  tell  me  what  it  is.  Why,  my  lady,  do  you  wish  to  see  it  ? 
It  is  the  letter  of  yesterday.  That  is  surely  not  so,  said  I ; 
show  it  to  me;  I  will  see  whether  you  told  the  truth. 
Scarcely  had  I  spoken,  when  she  placed  it  in  my  hand,  and 
I,  though  knowing  it  very  well,  said,  truly  it  is  not  the  same 
and  you  must  be  in  love  with  some  one.  I  wish  to  read  it, 
and  see  what  he  writes  to  you." 

The  reading  of  this  letter  aroused  the  love  in  the  bosom 
of  Felismena,  who,  "  taking  pen  and  ink,"  sent  a  letter  to 
Don  Felix  in  reply.  And  so  the  lovers  were  happy  for 
some  time,  till  it  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  father  of 
Felix,  who  sent  him  to  the  court  of  the  great  princess  Au- 
gusta Caesarina,  to  gain  some  knowledge  and  experience 
of  the  world. 

Felismena,  however,  could  not  bear  the  separation,  but 
determined  to  do  "  what  never  woman  thought  of — to 
dress  in  male  attire,  visit  the  court,  and  see  him  in  whose 
sight  rested  all  my  hope." 

After  a  journey  of  twenty  days  she  arrives  at  the  court, 
and  on  the  very  first  night  she  had  the  opportunity  of  con- 
vincing herself  of  the  unfaithfulness  of  her  lover,  for  she 
hears  Don  Felix  singing  a  serenade  to  his  mistress  Celia. 
Felismena  now  enters  the  service  of  Don  Felix  as  a  page, 
under  the  name  of  Valeric,  and  soon  gains  the  confidence 
of  his  master  to  such  a  degree  that  the  latter  makes  Valeric 
his  confidant,  telling  him  of  his  love  for  Celia  and  reading 
the  contents  of  Celia's  letters  to  him. 

Celia  having  learned,  meanwhile,  that  she  was  not  the 
first  love  of  Don  Felix,  but  that  the  latter  had  declared  his 
love  to  a  lady  of  his  native  city,  and  had  afterwards  de- 
serted her,  refused  to  accept  his  attentions  any  longer,  and 


48  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

sent  him  the  above-mentioned  letters.  Don  Felix  now 
sends  a  letter  to  Celia  by  his  page  Valeric,  the  result  of 
which  is  that  Celia  falls  deeply  in  love  with  the  latter.  The 
peculiar  dilemma  in  which  Valeric  found  himself  (or  her- 
self), was  suddenly  resolved  by  the  death  of  Celia,  who, 
rinding  her  love  for  Valerio  unrequited,  fell  in  a  swoon, 
from  which  she  never  awoke.  At  this  news  Don  Felix  dis- 
appeared. Two  years  had  elapsed  since  then,  and  during 
all  this  time  Felismena  has  been  in  search  of  the  faithless 
Don  Felix.  (End  of  Book  ii.) 

At  the  conclusion  of  Felismena's  story  all  proceed  to 
the  temple  of  Diana,  to  find  some  solace  for  their  suffer- 
ings. They  had  not  journeyed  long,  when  they  came  to 
a  beautiful  lake,  in  the  midst  of  which  was  a  small  island 
upon  which  they  saw  a  hut  and  a  flock  of  sheep.  Pass- 
ing over  the  water  "  upon  stones  placed  in  a  row,"  Poly- 
doro  enters  the  hut  and  finds  a  shepherdess  sleeping 
therein,  "  whose  beauty  causes  no  less  astonishment  that  if 
Diana  herself  had  appeared  before  their  eyes."  "  In  the 
carelessness  of  sleep  her  foot,  white  and  bare,  protruded 
from  her  frock,  but  not  so  far  that  to  the  eyes  of  those 
who  were  looking  on,  it  might  seem  deshonesto."  "  And 
from  the  many  tears  that,  even  while  sleeping,  rolled  down 
her  lovely  cheeks,"  it  seemed  that  sleep  was  no  bar  to  her 
sad  thoughts.  The  beautiful  shepherdess  is  Belisa,  who 
presently  relates  how  an  old  shepherd  named  Arsenic, 
whose  wife  had  died,  fell  in  love  with  her.  Arsenio,  how- 
ever, had  a  son  Arsileo  who,  in  addition  to  being  hand- 
somer than  Arsenio,  had  the  advantage  of  being  somewhat 
younger.  Arsileo  is  also  a  poet  and  writes  the  verses  which 
his  father,  Arsenio,  sends  to  Belisa.  On  discovering  this, 
Belisa  falls  desperately  in  love  with  Arsileo,  as  a  conse- 
quence of  which  Arsileo,  while  visiting  Belisa  one  night, 
is  unwittingly  shot  by  his  father,  who,  when  he  discovers 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR 


49 


his  deed,  kills  himself.  Since  then  Belisa  wanders  about 
only  wishing  for  death.  All  the  shepherds  shed  copious 
tears  on  hearing  this  tale,  and  invite  Belisa  to  accompany 
them  to  Diana's  temple.  (End  of  Book  iii.) 

All  finally  arrive  at  a  magnificent  palace,  where  they  are 
graciously  received  by  the  wise  Felicia,  who  bids  them  have 
no  fear  of  the  ills  that  pursue  them,  as  she  has  a  remedy 
for  them.  Over  the  doorway  of  the  palace,  which  is  built 
of  jasper,  silver,  and  various  marbles,  are  two  nymphs 
bearing  tablets  of  copper  on  which  is  the  following  inscrip- 
tion in  letters  of  gold: 

Quien  entra  mire  bien  como  ha  biuido,1  etc. 

Here  they  find  an  immense  statue  of  Mars,  and  here  are 
represented  Hannibal,  Scipio,  Camillus,  Horace,  Varro, 
Caesar,  Pompey,  Alexander  the  Great,  the  Cid,  Fernan 
Gongalez,  Bernardo  del  Carpio  and  the  Great  Captain  (Gon- 
galvo  de  Cordoba),  etc.  They  enter  a  magnificent  hall 
adorned  with  ivory  and  alabaster,  and  here,  by  a  spring 
of  pure  silver,  sits  Orpheus,  who  touches  his  harp  at  the  ap- 
proach of  the  group  and  sings  a  song  (Canto  de  Orpheo} 
in  praise  of  famous  Spanish  women.  Proceeding  further 
they  come  to  a  spacious  lawn,  where  they  sit  down,  and 
having  dined  sumptuously,  Felismena  relates  the  story  of 
Abindarraez.  As  already  observed,  this  story  was  added 
to  the  Diana  after  the  death  of  Montemayor.  (End  of 
Book  iv. ) 

Felicia  now  proceeds  to  cure  the  lovers  of  their  ills.  She 
appears  with  two  goblets  of  fine  crystal,  one  of  which  she 
hands  to  Sireno  and  the  other  to  Selvagia  and  the  unloved 
Silvano,  saying :  "  take  this  goblet,  in  which  you  will  find 
the  best  remedy  for  all  your  past  misfortunes."  All  three, 
on  drinking,  immediately  fall  asleep.  When  Felicia  thinks 

1  Cf.  below,  p.  65. 


50  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

the  magic  potion  has  had  its  due  effect,  she  touches  Si- 
reno's  head  with  a  book,  whereupon  he  awakes  and  is  en- 
tirely cured  of  his  love  for  Diana.  So  Silvano,  on  awaken- 
ing, forgets  entirely  his  former  love  for  Diana,  but 
becomes  enamoured  of  Selvagia,  who,  in  turn,  forgetting 
Alanio,  falls  in  love  with  Silvano.  These  three  then  return 
to  their  flocks,  and  now,  for  the  first  time  we  meet  with 
Diana.  The  voice  of  a  shepherdess  is  heard  singing,  and 
is  recognized  by  Silvano.  She  sits  by  the  fountain  and 
sings  : 

"  Quando  yo  triste  nasci, 
luego  nasci  desdichada; 
luego  los  hados  mostraron 
mi  suerte  desuenturada," x  etc. 

But  Sireno  remains  unmoved  by  her  song,  and  they  pro- 
ceed on  their  way.  Felismena  now  leaves  the  company, 
going  homeward,  and  on  her  way  sees  a  shepherd's  hut, 
which  she  enters  and  finds  therein  Arsileo,  the  lover  of 
Belisa,  who  had  not  been  slain  by  the  arrow  of  his  father, 
as  Belisa  had  supposed,  but  Alfeo,  a  great  sorcerer  and  the 
rejected  suitor  of  Belisa,  had  conjured  up  two  spirits  to 
represent  Arsenio  and  Arsileo,  and  the  whole  scene  in 
which  Arsenio  shoots  his  son, — merely  out  of  revenge 
against  Belisa.  (End  of  Book  v.) 

Though  quite  freed  of  his  love  for  Diana,  yet,  once,  on 
coming  to  the  spring  of  the  Alders,  Sireno  thinks  of  the 
happy  past  and  feels  lonely,  because  at  all  times  "  the 
memory  of  a  happy  state  causes  a  feeling  of  solitude  in 
him  who  has  lost  it."  2  Then  he  sees  the  flocks  of  Diana 

1  Menendez  Pelayo  (Origines  de  la  No-vela,  I,  p.  cdlxiv),  says  that 
this    song  was    inspired   by   Bernardim    Ribeiro's   romance   beginning 
"  Pensando-vos  estou  filha,"  in  his  Menina  e  Mofa,  Lisbon,   1852,  p. 
91.    See  Or'igenes,  p.  cdxli. 

2  "  Y  passando  por  la  memoria  los  amores  de  Diana,  no  dexaua  de 
causalle  soledad  el  tiepo  que  la  hauia  querido.    No  porque  entonces  le 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  51 

i 

and  her  dogs,  who  fall  down  at  his  feet  and  show  their  de- 
light at  seeing  him,  "  and  if  the  power  of  the  water  which 
the  sage  Felicia  had  given  him  had  not  made  him  forget 
his  love,  perhaps  nothing  in  the  world  could  have  prevented 
him  from  returning  to  her." 

He  now  takes  up  his  lute  and  sings : 

Passados  contentamientos 
que  quereys? 
dexadme,  no  me  canseys. 

Memoria,  quereys  oirme? 
Los  dias,  las  noches  buenas, 
paguelos  con  las  setenas, 
no  teneys  mas  que  pedirme; 
todo  se  acabo  en  partirme 
como  veys, 
dexadme,  no  me  canseys. 

Campo  verde,  valle  umbroso 
donde  algun  tiempo  goze, 
ved  lo  que  despues  passe, 
y  dexadme  en  mi  reposo; 
si  estoy  con  razon  medroso, 
ya  lo  veys, 
dexadme,  no  me  canseys. 

Vi  mudado  un  corac,on, 
cansado  de  assegurarme, 
fue  forgado  aprouecharme 
del  tiempo,  y  de  la  occasion; 
memoria  do  no  hay  passion 
que  quereys? 
dexadme,  no  me  canseys. 

Corderos,  y  ouejas  mias, 
pues  algun  tiempo  lo  fuistes, 
las  horas  ledas,  o  tristes 
passaronse  con  los  dias; 
no  hagays  las  alegrias 
que  soleys, 
pues  ya  no  m'enganareys. 

diesse  pena  su  amor,  mas  porque  en  todo  tiempo  la  memoria  de  un 
buen  estado  causa  soledad  al  que  le  ha  perdido."  (Fol.  180.)  Here 
"  soledad  "  is  evidently  used  in  the  sense  of  the  Portuguese  "  saudade." 


52  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Si  venis  por  me  turbar, 
no  hay  passion,  ni  haura  turbarme ; 
si  venis  por  consolarme, 
ya  no  hay  mal  que  consolar; 
si  venis  por  me  matar 
bien  podeys, 
matadme  y  acabareys.1 

Diana  now  appears,  but  Sireno  is  unmoved  by  her 
prayers;  in  tears  she  declares  that  the  will  of  her  father 
and  her  childish  obedience  had  brought  her  to  the  hated 
union  with  Delio:  but  Sireno  rejoices  that  he  has  been 
freed  of  his  love,  and  with  Silvano  sings  a  song,  laughing 
at  their  former  folly,  when  both  were  suitors  of  Diana. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  song  Diana  was  shedding  copious 
tears,  "  and  with  a  sigh,  in  company  with  which  her  soul 
seemed  to  have  gone  forth,"  she  arose,  and  braiding  her 
golden  hair,  disappeared  in  the  valley.  (End  of  Book  vi.) 

Felismena,  on  her  journey,  arrives  at  a  beautiful  city  by 
a  majestic  river.  It  recalls  to  her  mind  the  great  city  of 
Soldina,  "  her  birthplace,  from  which  Don  Felix  had  caused 
her  exile  ".  From  the  language  of  two  shepherdesses,  Ar- 
mia  and  Duarda,  whom  she  meets,  she  learns  that  she  is  in 

1 1  append  Bartholomew  Yonge's  translation  of  the  first  stanza : 
Passed  contents 

0  what  mean  ye? 

Forsake  me  now,  and  doe  not  wearie  me. 

Wilt  thou  heare  me,  O  memorie? 
My  pleasant  daies,  and  nights  againe, 

1  have  appaid  with  sevenfold  paine : 
Thou  hast  no  more  to  aske  me  why, 
For  when  I  went,  they  all  did  die, 
As  thou  dost  see, 

O  leave  me  then,  and  doe  not  wearie  me. 

Another  gloss  upon  the  first  three  verses  was  written  by  Vincente 
Espinel,  Diversas  Rintas,  Madrid,  1591,  fol.  128,  and  now  printed  in 
Bohl  v.  Faber,  Floresta,  I,  p.  282. 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR 


53 


Portugal,  and  that  the  city  before  her  is  Coimbra,  "  one 
of  the  most  famous  cities  in  all  Europe  ",  and  that  it  "  is 
bathed  by  the  crystalline  waters  of  the  Mondego  ".  And 
the  castle  before  them  is  called  in  the  Portuguese  tongue 
"  Monte-Mor  o  Velho,1  where  force  of  genius,  valor  and 
courage  have  remained  as  trophies  of  the  deeds  which  its 
inhabitants  performed  in  the  past,2  and  whose  ladies  and 
gentlemen  are  adorned  with  all  virtues."  While  Felismena 
partakes  of  the  repast  offered  by  the  shepherdesses,  the 
voice  of  Danteo  is  heard  singing : 

Sospiros,  minha  lembranga  3 
nao  quer,  porque  vos  nao  vades, 
que  o  mal  que  fazem  saudades 
se  cure  com  esperanga. 

A  esperanga  nao  me  val 
pola  causa  em  que  se  tern, 
nem  promete  tanto  bem 
quanto  a  saudade  faz  mal : 
mais  amor,  desconfianga, 
me  derao  tal  calidade, 
que  nem  me  mata  saudade, 
nem  me  da  vida  esperanga. 

Erraraose  se  queixarem 
os  olhos  com  que  eu  olhei, 
porque  nao  me  queixarei 
em  quanto  os  seus  me  lembrarem; 
nem  podera  hauer  mudanga 
jamays  em  minha  vontade, 
ora  me  mate  saudade, 
ora  me  deixe  esperanga. 

1  The  birth-place  of  Montemayor ;  see  above. 

2  For   the   valiant    deeds   to   which    Montemayor   here    alludes,    see 
Menendez   Pidal,  La  Leyenda  del  Abad  Don  Juan  de  Montemayor, 
Dresden,  1903,  pp.  Hi,  and  foil. 

3  Besides  this,  a  short  cancion  which  precedes,  beginning  "  Os  tempos 
se  mudarao,"  and  Danteo's  conversation  generally,  are  in  Portuguese. 


54  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Duarda  loved  Danteo,  who  had,  however,  married  An- 
dresa,  a  shepherdess  who  afterwards  died.  Just  as  Felis- 
mena  is  about  to  reconcile  these  lovers,  her  attention  is  at- 
tracted by  the  voice  of  a  combat.  Upon  an  island  in  the 
stream  she  sees  a  knight  struggling  with  three  assailants, 
one  of  whom  he  kills,  but  the  others  press  the  knight  so 
hard,  that  Felismena  draws  her  bow  and  slays  them.  The 
knight  turns  out  to  be  Don  Felix,  who  is  forgiven  by  Felis- 
mena. At  this  moment  Dorida,  the  messenger  of  Felicia, 
appears  with  two  goblets,  one  of  silver  and  the  other  of 
gold,  and  bids  Felix  drink  of  the  former,  to  forget  his  love 
for  Celia,  and  of  the  latter,  to  heal  his  wounds. 

All  now  return  to  the  temple  of  Diana,  where  Felix  and 
Felismena,  Selvagia  and  Silvano  are  united  and,  it  is  pre- 
sumed, live  happily  ever  thereafter.  The  fate  of  Danteo  and 
Duarda  the  author  reserved  for  a  second  part. 

Perhaps  a  few  words  may  here  be  said  upon  the  prin- 
cipal episodes  of  the  Diana.  That  of  the  enchantress  Fe- 
licia, priestess  of  Diana,  and  the  magic  potion  she  admin- 
isters to  the  lovers  to  cure  them  of  their  ills,  is  a  very  old 
one  in  literature.1  A  similar  incident  occurs  in  the  eighth 
and  ninth  "  prosas  "  of  the  Arcadia  of  Sannazaro,  and  for 
the  present  purpose  there  is,  perhaps,  no  need  of  going 
beyond  this. 

As  to  the  story  of  Felix  and  Felismena  (Book  II),  upon 
which  Shakespeare  is  said  to  have  founded  his  Two  Gentle- 
men of  Verona,  a  like  expedient  of  a  young  lady  disguis- 
ing herself  as  a  page  to  serve  her  lover,  occurs  in  Bandello 

1  Cervantes,  speaking  of  the  Diana,  puts  these  words  in  the  mouth 
of  the  priest :  "  To  begin,  then,  with  the  Diana  of  Montemayor.  I  am 
of  the  opinion  it  should  not  be  burned,  but  that  it  should  be  cleared  of 
all  that  about  the  sage  Felicia  and  the  magic  water,  and  of  almost  all 
the  longer  pieces  of  verse:  let  it  keep,  and  welcome,  its  prose  and  the 
honor  of  being  the  first  of  books  of  the  kind."  Don  Quixote,  I, 
Chap.  VI. 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR  55 

(Novelle,  xxxvi),  first  published  at  Lucca  in  I554-1  This 
novel  is  supposed  to  be  the  source  of  Shakespeare's  Tivelfth 
Night,  and  to  it  Giraldi  Cinthio  probably  owes  a  similar 
story  in  his  Hectommithi,  printed  for  the  first  time  in  1565. 
A  like  incident  forms  the  basis  of  the  plot  of  one  of  Lope 
de  Rueda's  best  comedies,  called  Comedia  de  los  Enganos. 
Indeed  the  plot  of  this  comedy  is  very  similar  to  the  story 
in  Bandello ; 2  in  both  cases  the  twin-brother  of  the  heroine 

1  Underbill  shows  that   Shakespeare's  version  is   due  to  the  story 
of  Montemayor,  not  to  the  novel  of  Bandello.    He  says  that  Shakes- 
peare seems  to  have  been  ignorant  of  Spanish,  nor  is  it  probable  that 
he  had  access  to  any  English  translation,  unless  it  be  Googe's  eclogue. 
But  it  has  long  ago  been  pointed  out  by  Gervinus  that,  in  all  prob- 
ability, Shakespeare's  source  is  the  play  called  The  History  of  Felix 
and  Philomena,  which  was  acted  before  the  court  at  Greenwich  on 
January  3,  1584.    See  my  Spanish  Stage,  p.  77;  Underbill,  Spanish  Lit. 
in  England  under  the  Tudors,  New  York,  1899,  p.  363.    The  first  trace 
of  Montemayor's  Diana  in  any  other  literature  is  found  in  the  fifth 
and  seventh  Eglogs  of  Barnabe  Googe  (1563),  and  from  the  latter's 
very  free  and  greatly  abridged  version  of  Felismena's  story  in  the 
fifth  eclogue,  Shakespeare,  it  has  been  suggested,  might  have  taken  his 
story;  but  Googe's  version  would  have  given  him  a  very  imperfect 
idea  of  the  story,   as   it  omits   some   of  its   most   essential   features. 
But  why  could  not  Shakespeare  have  used  the  French  translation  of 
the  Diana  by  Nicolas  Colin,  which  appeared  in   1567,  and  of  which 
there  were  editions  in  1587  and  1592?    I  possess  the  latter  edition  to 
which   the  other  two  parts   have  been   added,   translated   by   Gabriel 
Chappuys.     Perhaps  the  critics  will  deny  that  Shakespeare  had  suffi- 
cient knowledge  of  French  to  read  these  versions.     Did  Shakespeare 
only  begin  his  study  of  French  in  1598,  when  he  became  a  lodger  in 
the  house  of  Christopher  Monjoy,  at  the  corner  of  Silver  and  Monk- 
well  Streets?     For  the  influence  of  the  Diana  upon  other  literatures, 
see  the  excellent   account   of   Menendez   y    Pelayo,    Origenes,   I,   pp. 
cdlxxii  ff. 

2  Klein,  Geschichte  des  Dramas,  Vol.  IX,  p.  159,  has  shown,  however, 
that  Bandello's  novel  is  not  the  immediate  source  of  Lope  de  Rueda's 
Enganos,  but  that  the  latter  is  merely  a  rifacimento  of  an  Italian  com- 
edy,  Gl'Ingannati.     Dr.   Horace   Howard   Furness   is   convinced   that 
this  play,  Gl'Ingannati,  composed  and  acted  by  a  society  or  Academy 
named  Gl'Intronati,  at  Siena  in  1531,  and  reprinted  in  1537,  1538  and 


56  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

disappears  in  the  sack  of  Rome  by  the  Imperialists,  and 
while  the  father  and  daughter,  in  the  Italian  tale,  remove 
to  Aix,  in  Savoy,  the  scene  of  the  Spanish  comedy  is  trans- 
ferred to  Modena.1  It  is  a  question  as  to  which  of  these 
two  poets,  Montemayor  or  Rueda,  first  introduced  this 
story  into  Spanish  literature.  Lope  de  Rueda  flourished  as 
an  actor  and  author  from  about  1545  to  1565,  while  Monte- 
mayor  wrote  the  Diana  between  1554  and  1559.  Monte- 
mayor  doubtless  saw  Rueda's  plays  performed  in  the  public 
squares,  for  Rueda  enjoyed  great  popularity  throughout 
Spain.  However  this  may  be,  both  had  a  source  near  at 
hand.  The  same  story  was  afterward  greatly  elaborated  by 
Tirso  de  Molina  in  one  of  his  most  famous  comedies,  Don 
Gil  de  las  Colzas  verdes.2 

Concerning  the  story  of  Abindarraez  and  Xarifa,  in  the 
fourth  book  of  the  Diana,  there  has  been  some  discussion. 
It  does  not  appear  in  the  first  edition  of  the  Diana  (1559  ? 
for  it  is  without  date),  nor  is  it  contained  in  the  edition  of 
Antwerp,  1561,  which  I  possess.  According  to  Salva  it 

1550,  is  the  original  of  Bandello.  He  says:  Apart  from  mere  priority 
of  date,  the  play  itself  reveals  Bandello's  indebtedness  to  it.  "  Shakes- 
peare's Twelfth  Night,"  Variorum  ed.,  Philadelphia,  1901,  pp.  xix,  xx. 
Croce,  Ricerche  Ispano-Italiane,  II,  Naples,  1898,  pp.  6  and  14,  ascribes 
the  play  to  A.  Piccolomini,  Archbishop  of  Patras,  one  of  the  Intronati. 
Concerning  the  sources  of  Lope  de  Rueda's  comedies,  see  the  very 
interesting  article  by  A.  L.  Stiefel,  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  Roman. 
Phil,  Vol.  XV,  pp.  183  and  318. 

1  The  same  plot  is  found  in  the  comedia  ascribed  to  Calderon,  La 
Espanola  de  Florencia.     See  the  article  La  Espanola  de  Florencia  by 
Prof.   Stiefel,  in  Bausteine  zur  roman.  Phil.,  Festgabe  fur  Mussafia, 
Halle,  1905,  and  the  edition  of  the  play  by  Dr.  M.  Rosenberg,  Phila- 
delphia, 1910. 

2  Schack,    Geschichte   der   dram.   Literatur   und   Kunst   in   Spanien, 
Vol.  II,  p.  214.     Obras  de  Lope  Rueda  (Edicion  de  la  Real  Acade- 
mia  espanola),  Madrid,   1908,  Tomo  I,  p.  Ixv,  of  the  excellent  intro- 
duction  by   the   editor,    Sr.    Emilio    Cotarelo.     Menendez    y    Pelayo, 
Origenes,  I,  p.  cdlxviii. 


THE  DIANA  OF  MONTEMAYOR 


57 


was  first  added  in  the  edition  of  Valladolid,  1561-62. 
Montemayor,  it  will  be  remembered,  died  in  Feburary, 
1561.  Ticknor  maintains  that  Montemayor  took  the  story 
from  the  Inventario  of  Antonio  de  Villegas,  of  which  he 
cites  an  edition  of  I56I.1  For  my  own  part  I  do  not  be- 
lieve that  Montemayor  wrote  the  story  that  now  appears 
in  the  Diana,2  and  agree  with  Ticknor  that  the  story  there 
printed  was  copied  from  Villegas,  and  amplified,  despite 
the  discrepancy  in  the  dates.  I  have  carefully  read  the  two 
works  side  by  side,  and  made  many  excerpts  from  them, 
where  they  either  agreed  word  for  word,  or  where  the  sim- 
ilarity was  so  great  that  it  was  evident  one  must  have  been 

1  History  of  Spanish  Lit.,  Ill,  p.  95,  n.,  and  p.  153,  n.     Salva,  Cata- 
logo,   I,   No.    1063,   doubts  *the  existence  of  this   edition,   the  earliest 
known  to  him  being  Medina  del  Campo,   1565,  though  the  license  to 
print  it  dated  1551.     It  is  not  a  question  here  as  to  the  origin  of  this 
tradition  popular,   as   Gayangos   calls   it,   the   principal   personage   of 
which  was  an  historical  character,   Rodrigo  de  Narvaez,  but  one  of 
priority  in  these  two  versions,  of  which  the  shortest,  the  simplest  and 
the  one  written  with  most  naturalness  and  good  taste,  is  undoubtedly 
that  of  Villegas,  and  there  can  hardly  be  any  doubt  that  the  version 
in  the  Diana  is  merely  an  amplification  of  it,  inserted  in  the  work  by 
some  dishonest  book-seller.    Such  is  the  opinion  of  Menendez  y  Pelayo 
(Tratado    de    los   Romances   vicjos,    in    Antologia    de    Poetas   liricos 
Castellanos,  Tomo  XII,  p.  247).     Sr.  Menendez,   moreover,   does  not 
think  that  Villegas  is  the  author  of  the   story  as  it   appears  in  his 
Inventario,  but  that  he  and  the  refundidor  of  the  Diana  version  are 
equally  guilty  of  plagiarism,  the  original  being  the  very  rare  Cronica 
del  inclito  infante  D.  Fernando,  que  gano  a  Antequera:   en  la  qual 
trata  coma  se  casaron  a  hurto  el  Abendarraxe  (sic)  Abindarraez  con 
la  linda  Xarifa,  etc.,  a  small  volume  in  black  letter  which  appeared 
s.  1.  n.  a  (probably  at  Zaragoza).    Ibid.,  p.  249. 

2  It  is  no  slight  satisfaction  to  find  that  this  statement,  made  twenty 
years  ago,  has  since  been  corroborated  by  no  less"  an  authority  than 
Menendez  Pelayo  (see  the  note  above).    In  his  Origenes,  I,  p.  cdlxviii, 
he  says :  "  La  historia  de  Abindarraez  y  Jarifa  no  es  de  Montemayor, 
y  solo  despues  de  su  muerte  fue  interpolada  in  la  Diana,"  etc.     See 
also  ibid.,  pp.  ccclxvi  ff. 


58  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

taken  from  the  other.1  The  work  of  Villegas  is  written  in 
a  very  simple  and  graceful  style,  while  the  story  in  the 
Diana  is  prolix  and  verbose,  is  distinctly  out  of  place,  and 
in  striking  contrast  with  the  pastoral  tone  of  the  rest  of 
the  romance. 

There  is  no  need  to  say  anything  here  of  the  merits  of 
the  Diana;  its  beauties  have  been  so  aptly  pointed  out  and 
so  competently  discussed,  that  further  praise  would  be 
superfluous.2  It  remains  the  best  pastoral  romance  that 
Spain  has  produced;  the  tender  melancholy  with  which  it 
is  tinged, — the  reflection,  doubtless,  of  Montemayor's 
own  misfortunes, — lends  a  charm  to  the  Diana  that  none 
of  its  imitations  possess. 

1  In  the  Inventario  of  1567,  this  story  occupies  leaves  94-112  in  a 
very  small  octavo,  while  in  the  Diana,  on  a  page  containing  nearly 
double  the  amount  of  printed  matter,  it  occupies  pages  158-180.    Pages 
166  and  167  of  the  Diana  are  almost  identical,  word  for  word,  with 
pages  loo  and  105  of  the  Inventario.    See  also  the  Spanish  translation 
of  Ticknor,  III,  p.  547,  and  Gallardo,  Ensayo,  Vol.  I,  No.  327,  p.  357. 
I  possess  a  copy  of  the  edition  of  Medina  del  Campo,  1577,  and  also 
of  a  reduced  fac-simile  of  the  story  of  Villegas,  with  the  title-page: 
El  Abencerraje  de  Antonio  de  Villegas,  En  Medina  del  Campo  im- 
presso,  por  Francisco  del  Canto.     Ano  MDLXV.     This  fac-simile,  I 
think,  is  due  to  Sr.  Asensio.     Upon  the  story  of  Abindarraez  in  the 
Diana,  Lope  de  Vega  founded  his  play  El  Remedio  en  la  Desdicha. 

2  Bouterweck,    Geschichte   der  Poesie   und   Beredsamkeit  seit   dem 
Ende  des  dreisehnten  Jahrhunderts,  Gottingen,  1805-19,  Vol.  III.    We 
may  with  absolute  confidence  accept  the  opinion  of  Menendez  y  Pelayo, 
who  says :  "  La  Diana  es  la  mejor  escrita  de  todas  las  novelas  pas- 
toriles,  sin  exceptuar  la  de  Gil  Polo."    Origenes,  I,  p.  cdlxxi. 


THE  "DIANA"  OF  ALONSO  PEREZ 

The  Diana  was  left  unfinished  at  Montemayor's  death, 
the  last  sentence  of  the  seventh  book  being :  "  And  now 
all  were  united  with  those  whom  they  loved  most,  to  the 
great  rejoicing  of  all;  to  which  Sireno  by  his  coming, 
aided  not  a  little,  although  from  this  there  followed  what 
shall  be  related  in  the  second  part  of  this  book,"  etc. 

This  '  second  part '  Montemayor  never  wrote,  but  in 
1564  (three  years  after  his  death)  Alonso  Perez,  a  physi- 
cian of  Salamanca,  about  whose  life  we  know  nothing, 
published  at  Valencia  a  Second  Part  of  the  Diana  of 
George  Montemayor.1  He  tells  us  in  the  prologue  that  no 
one  was  better  fitted  for  such  a  task,  not  because  of  any 
merit  of  his  own,  but  on  account  of  his  great  fondness  for 
the  writings  of  Montemayor.  We  learn,  moreover,  that 
before  Montemayor  left  Spain  he  had  communicated  the 
plan  of  the  second  part  of  the  Diana  to  Perez,  which  was 
that  Delio,  the  husband  of  Diana,  having  died,  the  latter 
should  marry  Sireno,  but  Perez  suggested  that  Diana  re- 
main a  widow  at  the  end  of  the  book,  and  that  her  hand 
be  sought  by  Sireno  and  other  suitors,  as  this  would  leave 
the  way  open  for  a  third  part.  To  this,  he  says,  Monte- 
mayor assented. 

That  the  pedantic  physician  had  no  small  opinion  of  his 
own  ability  is  evident,  for  he  observes  that  Montemayor 
would  have  been  better  equipped  for  his  task  had  he  pos- 
sessed a  knowledge  of  Latin.  This  of  course  Perez  had 

1  According  to  Nicolas  Antonio,  it  also  appeared  at  Alcala  in  the 
same  year. 

59 


60  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

and  he  proudly  bids  the  reader  observe  that  there  is  scarcely 
any  thing  in  his  book,  whether  prose  or  verse,  that  has  not, 
in  part  at  least,  been  stolen  or  imitated  from  the  Italian  or 
Latin  writers,  nor  does  he  think  that  any  blame  attaches  to 
him  on  this  account,  "  because  they  did  the  same  with  the 
Greeks."  We  do  not  expect  much  after  this  candid  con- 
fession, nor  are  we  disappointed.  Menendez  y  Pelayo  re- 
marks that  the  most  casual  inspection  of  the  volume, — for 
to  read  it  entirely  is  almost  impossible, — shows  that  San- 
nazaro's  Arcadia  and  Ovid's  Metamorphoses  and  Fasti  are 
the  principal  authors  sacked  by  the  physician.1  The  main 
incidents  of  this  '  Second  Part '  are  subjoined  : 

A  number  of  shepherds  and  shepherdesses  visit  the  tem- 
ple of  Diana,  "  where  the  wise  Felicia  dwells."  ..."  And 
not  many  days  after,  Felicia  one  night  after  supper  saide 
thus  to  Sylvanus  and  Selvagia : 2  I  could  not  choose  but 
blame  you  fortunate  shepherds  for  the  small  care  you  have 
of  your  flockes,  if  I  myselfe  were  not  in  fault,  because  you 
have  never  asked  after  them  in  all  this  time,  nor  (I  thinke) 
once  remembered  them,  fearing  lest  by  reason  of  your  ab- 
sence, they  have  been  in  great  want,  and  not  without  cause, 
being  not  carried  to  feed  at  convenient  times  upon  the 

1  Origenes,  I,  p.  cdlxxix. 

2  The  English  in  quotation  marks  is  taken  from  the  translation  by 
Bartholomew   Yong,   which   embraces  the  three   parts   of   the   Diana, 
Montemayor's   original,   and  the  continuations  by  Alonso   Perez   and 
Caspar   Gil   Polo.     Though   finished   in    1583,    Yong  first   printed   his 
Diana  in  London,   in    1598.     He   seems  to  have  passed  nearly  three 
years  in  Spain,  returning  in  1579.     His  translation  of  the  prose  por- 
tions of  the  Diana  is  very  faithful  to  the  original — his  rendering  of 
the   verse,    however,    is   very  unfortunate.     In    1596   Thomas   Wilson 
finished  his  translation  of  the  Diana,  which  is  now  in  the  British  Mu- 
seum :  Ms.  Add.   18638.     It  is  entitled :  Diana  de  Monte  mayor  done 
out  of  Spanish  by   Thomas  Wilson,  Esquire.     In   the  yeare  1596   & 
dedicated  to  the  Erie  of  Southampton  who  was  then  uppon  ye  Spanish 
voiage  wth  my  Lord  of  Essex.     I  purpose  publishing  this  soon. 


THE  DIANA  OF  ALONSO  PEREZ  fa 

greene  and  sauorie  grasse  nor  (at  their  neede)  driven  to 
the  cleere  springs  to  quench  their  burning  thirst,  nor  with 
wonted  loue  put  into  the  coole  and  pleasant  shades."  Fe- 
licia now  bids  Sylvanus  and  Selvagia  depart,  whereupon 
Sylvanus  "  made  louing  signes  to  Seluagia  to  answer  the 
ladies  intent.  To  whom,  with  a  seemly  blush,  as  partly 
ashamed  thereat,  she  saide  in  this  sort.  It  is  now  no  time 
(my  deere  Sylvanus)  to  use  circumstances  of  such  arte, 
where  there  is  no  cause,  neither  doe  they  well  become  this 
place.  For  though  their  usage  to  all  women  is  commend- 
able, yet  not  in  particular,  for  the  husband  to  his  wife,  and 
in  such  sort  as  if  he  went  about  to  preferre  her  before  him- 
selfe.  For  after  that  the  woman  hath  delivered  herself 
into  the  possession  of  her  husband,  she  therewithal  yield- 
eth  up  to  his  jurisdiction  the  title  of  her  libertie,  by  the 
sweete  and  sacred  bond  of  marriage."  Syrenus,  another 
shepherd,  sings  and  Sylvanus  responds.  All  now  retire  to 
resume  their  way  on  the  next  morning.  "  Felicia  gave 
Dorida  in  charge  to  fill  their  scrips  the  night  before,  with 
sufficient  provisions  for  their  way,  who  like  a  friendly  and 
louing  nymph,  that  was  not  slacke  to  serve  their  necessitie 
(que  no  los  queria  mal),  going  about  it  immediately,  did 
put  into  the  same  good  store  of  victuals." 

They  now  observe  a  shepherd  coming  along,  singing  the 
following  sonnet: 

De  donde,  o  papel  mio,  tal  ventura, 

Que  sin  meritos  ayas  de  ser  puesto 

Delante  el  resplandor,  y  claro  gesto, 

En  el  qual  su  poder  mostra  natura. 
Veras  papel  amado  la  figura 

Do  no  ay  mas  que  esperar  del  ser  honesto, 

Veras  sumado  en  breue  todo  el  resto 

De  gracia,  gallardia,  y  hermosura. 
En  viendote  ante  aquesta  mi  pastora, 

Dirasle  de  mi  parte:  Aca  me  embia 

Quien  viue  por  seruiros  tanto  tiempo ! 


62  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

En  este  solo  entiende  qualquier  hora, 
en  esto  se  desuela  noche,  y  dia, 
Seruiros  es  su  solo  pasatiempo.1 

The  shepherds  now  sitting  down  by  a  stream,  Syrenus 
says :  "  Is  it  not  reason  Sylvanus,  that  living  now  in  such 
joy  and  cqntent,  and  in  the  presence  of  thy  beloved  Sel- 
vagia,  thou  shouldst  let  thy  Bagpipe  wax  to  drie?  Syl- 
vanus sings : 

Podra  verse  yr  el  cielo  con  sossiego, 
Y  aun  por  algun  espacio  detenerse, 
Y  las  aguas  de  Ezla  y  de  Mondego 
Con  passo  apressurado  atras  boluerse ; 
Y  puestas  a  la  llama  de  un  gran  fuego, 
La  estopa  y  seca  cana  no  encenderse, 
Mas  no  se  vera  un  dia,  ni  una  hora 
Dexar  de  amar  Sylvano  a  su  pastora.2 

1  From  whence,  O  paper  mine,  such  happy  favour 
That  undeservedly  thou  must  be  placed 

Before  that  flower  that  yields  the  sweetest  savour, 
Which  nature  hath  with  all  her  powers  graced? 
Thou  shalt  the  figure  see  (my  louing  paper) 
Where  all  the  virtues  make  their  wished  dwelling, 
And  of  the  rest  not  any  one  escape  her, 
Graces  and  giftes  and  beauties  most  excelling. 
Then  when  thou  com'st  before  my  heauenly  treasure 
Say  thus  from  me  to  her.    He  sends  me  hither 
Who  lives  to  serve  thee  while  his  life  extendeth : 
In  only  this  his  thoughts  are  musing  ever : 
In  joy  of  this  both  nights  and  days  he  spendeth; 
To  serve  thee  is  his  only  sport  and  pleasure. 

Yong's  translation. 

2  It  may  fall  out  the  heavens  may  turn  at  leisure, 
And  stay  themselves  upon  the  highest  mountaines; 
And  Ezla  and  Mondego  at  their  pleasure 

With  hastie  course  turne  back  unto  their  f ountaines : 
And  that  the  flaxe  or  reede,  laid  to  the  fire, 
May  not  consume  in  flames  but  burn  like  wire; 
But  yet  the  day  and  time  shall  happen  never 
When  Sylvan  shall  not  love  Seluagia  ever. 


THE  DIANA  OF  ALONSO  PEREZ  63 

"  Immediately,  without  any  entreatie,  Seluagia,  because 
she  would  not  die  in  Sylvanus'  debt  (por  no  dever  cosa  a 
su  Sylvano),  nor  be  beholding  to  him  in  this  respect,  taking 
her  Baggepipe  up,  in  this  sort  did  answer  him : 

La  tierra  dexara  de  ser  pisada, 
Su  natural  y  proprio  ser  perdiendo; 
El  agua  podra  ser  menospreciada, 
De  plantas  humedad  ya  no  teniendo. 
Nuestra  vida  podra  ser  sustentada 
Sin  ayre  para  ella  no  siruiendo, 
Mas  no  vera  jamas  algun  humano 
Dexar  de  amar  Selvagia  a  su  Sylvano.1 

And  thus  do  these  good  shepherds  swear  eternal  con- 
stancy in  continually  exaggerated  phrase,  until  the  limit  of 
the  Spanish  language  is  reached,  when  they  rise  and  "  cast- 
ing their  heauy  scrippes  on  their  shoulders,  staying  them- 
selves upon  their  knotty  sheepehookes,"  they  continue 
their  way,  reaching  their  own  fields  the  next  day,  where 
they  see  Diana  "  standing  very  sadde  and  leaning  against 
a  great  Oke,  with  her  elbow  upon  her  sheepehooke  and  her 
cheeke  upon  the  palm  of  her  hande,  whereby  one  might 
haue  iudged  the  care  and  sorrow  that  so  much  troubled 
her  pensive  minde."  "  After  a  while  (as  though  she  was 
angry  with  herselfe  for  casting  herselfe  into  so  great  a 
greefe)  she  put  her  hand  into  her  bosom,  and  tooke  out  a 
fine  little  baggepipe,  and  which  putting  to  her  mouth  to 
play  on  it,  in  that  very  instant,  she  threw  it  to  the  ground, 
and  without  more  adoe,  sliding  down  along  the  bodie  of  the 

1  The  ground  shall  first  be  void,  nor  trod  nor  used, 
Losing  her  nature,  and  her  proper  being; 
First  shall  the  raine  and  water  be  refused 
Of  plants  no  moisture  round  about  them  seeing: 
First  shall  our  life  with  air  be  not  sustained, 
And  first  the  food  of  hunger  be  distained, 
Before  the  world  shall  see  a  deede  so  hainous, 
Seluagia  not  to  loue  her  deere  Sylvanus. 


64  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

tree,  sat  her  downe,  as  if  for  great  feeblenes  she  had  not 
been  able  to  staie  herself  on  her  feete,  and  casting  out  a 
sorrowful  sigh,  and  looking  upon  her  harmlesse  Baggepipe, 
she  spake  these  words:  Accursed  Baggepipe,"  etc.  The 
shepherds  console  Diana,  who  now  departs.  She  is  pur- 
sued by  Firmius,  a  shepherd  who  had  been  standing  behind 
a  convenient  tree,  escapes,  however,  and  Firmius  returns. 
They  all  continue  their  way  and  approach  the  town,  where 
they  meet  a  number  of  shepherds  and  shepherdesses,  among 
them  Diana,  who  requests  Firmius  to  sing,  to  which  he  re- 
plies :  "  I  will  sing,  though  it  be  with  a  hoarce  voice  like 
to  the  dying  swanne  divining  her  ensuing  death."  "  Thou 
are  not  so  neere  thy  end  (saide  Diana)  that  death  should 
helpe  thee."  "  I  am  so  neere  ended  (saide  Firmius)  that  I 
looke  only  but  for  death."  "  I  did  never  yet  see  any  (saide 
Diana)  die  for  this  cause,  but  with  wordes,  and  do  believe 
besides,  there  are  not  any  such."  (A  nadie  he  visto,  dixo 
Diana,  sino  es  de  palabra  morir,  ni  lo  creo.)  The  next  day 
all  departed  for  Felicia's  palace. 

At  sunset  they  come  to  an  island  which  they  had  before 
visited,  and  here  they  find  Felicia  and  her  nymphs,  with 
Don  Felix  and  Felismena.  An  old  man  appears,  "  in  every 
point  he  seemed  to  represent  a  most  woorthie  priest  of 
Jupiter,"  who  rails  against  fortune  in  good  set  terms  to  the 
extent  of  six  stanzas.  It  is  Parisiles,  whose  long  lost 
daughter  Stela  is  now  restored  to  him.  She  appears  with 
Crimine  and  a  young  shepherd,  "  a  goodly  youth  of  person ; 
his  weedes  were  of  gray  cloth  (pardo)  to  signify  by  that 
colour  his  troubles  and  griefs.  All  along  the  boarder  of 
his  coate  sleeves  went  three  ribbons  or  laces  of  sundry 
colours,  two  of  them  on  either  side,  of  lion  tawney  and 
olive  green  (aceitunador),  to  signify  by  the  first  his  sor- 
row and  by  the  second  his  torment."  The  young  shep- 
herd, Delicius,  relates  a  long  and  tedious  story  of  his  like- 


THE  DIANA  OF  ALONSO  PEREZ  65 

ness  to  Parthenio  and  the  rescue  of  Stela.  They  now  re- 
pair to  Felicia's  palace,  over  the  principal  gate  of  which 
they  see  two  nymphs  of  silver  upon  the  capitals  of  the  col- 
umns and  the  verses : 

Quien  entra,  mire  bien  como  ha  viuido 
Y  el  don  de  castidad  si  1'ha  guardado, 
Y  la  que  quiere  bien,  o  1'ha  querido, 
Mire  si  a  causa  de  otra  s'ha  mudado; 
Y  si  la  fe  primera  no  ha  perdido, 
Y  aquel  primor  amor  ha  conseruado, 
Entrar  puede  en  el  templo  de  Diana 
Cuya  virtud  y  gracia  es  sobr'  humana.1 

(Book  III,  fol.  86.) 

Felicia  now  accompanies  her  guests  to  the  fountain  of 
the  Laurel  trees,  where  "  they  sawe  two  lovely  shepherd- 
esses (though  by  their  coye  looks  shewing  a  kind  of  sig- 
norie  and  statelinesse  above  any  other)  that  were  sitting 
harde  by  the  goodly  spring,  both  of  them  endowed  with 
singular  beautie,  but  especially  the  one,  that  to  their  iudge- 
ment  seemed  the  yoonger.  Right  over  against  them  on 
foote  stoode  a  young  shepherd,  who  with  the  lappe  of  his 
side  coate  wiped  away  the  teares  that  fell  down  thicke  upon 
his  blubbered  cheekes  (limpeandose  con  la  faldilla  del  sayo 
las  lagrimas  que  por  su  rostro  decendian),  in  requital 
whereof,  and  of  his  inwarde  greefe,  the  shepherdesses  did 
nothing  else  but  by  looking  upon  one  another,  affoord  him 

1  This  inscription  is  taken  from  Book  IV  of  the  Diana  of  Monte- 
mayor  : 

Who  comes  into  this  palace  let  her  take  heede 
How  she  hath  liv'd,  and  whether  she  hath  kept 
The  gift  of  chastitie  in  thought  and  deede. 
And  see  besides,  if  she  hath  ever  stept, 
With  wavering  mind  to  forren  love  estranged, 
And  for  the  same  her  first  affection  changed, 
May  enter  in  Diana's  Temple  heere, 
Whose  grace  and  virtues  soveraine  appear. 


66  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

a  gracious  smile."  The  shepherd,  after  singing  "  with  his 
many  teeres  "  takes  his  leave,  whereupon  Phillis,  "  being 
mooved  to  some  small  sorrow  and  to  no  lesse  greefe  for  his 
departure,  took  out  of  her  scrip  a  fine  little  spoone  (the 
same  perhaps  that  she  herself e  did  eat  with)  and  gave  it 
him,  wherewith  the  shepherd  did  somewhat  mitigate  his 
helplesse  sorrow."  Crimine  being  requested  to  tell  her 
story  says :  "  Alas !  who  can  quench  my  scalding  sighes, 
that  with  such  a  heauie  recital  will  come  smoking  out  of 
my  baleful  breast?  "  (Ay  de  mi,  quien  podra  amatar  mis 
encendidos  suspires,  que  con  tal  memoria  de  mis  ojos,  y 
entranas  saldran.)  Continuing,  she  says:  "you  must  un- 
derstand that  I  love  the  shepherd  that  is  our  guide  in  our 
travels  (Delicio),  as  much  as  I  can  and  can  in  truth  as 
much  as  I  will.  I  love  also  Parthenio  his  friend  as  much  as 
I  will  and  will  truly  as  much  as  I  can ; x  for  as  it  cannot  be 
discerned  which  is  Delicio  and  which  Parthenio,  and  the 
one  impossible  to  be  knowen  from  the  other,  for  like  two 
drops  of  water  they  resemble  one  another  so  much;  so 
cannot  I  tell,  which  of  them  I  love  most,  loving  both  in 
equal  balance  of  extreme  affection."  Delicio  and  Parthenio 
now  explain  that  the  object  of  their  pilgrimage  is  to  seek 
out  their  fathers,  "  with  certaine  tokens  that  we  carry  with 
us  to  know  them,"  for  as  little  children  they  had  been 
given  away  to  be  brought  up.  They  resolve  to  remain  for 
a  while.  "  The  next  day  going  very  softly  about  the  same 
hower,  and  by  secret  places  to  see  how  the  shepherds  were 
occupied,  we  found  them  sitting  upon  the  greene  grass, 
and  sleeping  in  such  sort,  that  they  shewed  that  that  was 
not  their  principall  intent;  for  the  christalline  teares,  that 

1 "  Entended  que  yo  amo  a  este  pastor  que  con  nosotros  viene 
quanto  puedo,  y  puedo  a  la  verdad  quanto  quiero.  Amo  assi  mismo 
a  Parthenio  amigo  suyo,  quanto  quiero,  y  quiero  cierto  quanto  puedo  " 
(p.  497)- 


THE  DIANA  OF  ALONSO  PEREZ 


67 


trickled  down  their  burning  cheekes  in  corriualtie,  signified 
more  store  of  sorrowful  thoughts  in  their  harts,  then  heauy 
vapours  in  their  heads."  1 

Parthenio  finds  some  verses  on  the  bark  of  a  tree;  there 
are  fifteen  stanzas  in  all ;  here  is  the  last : 

Porque  de  tal  modo  ofende 
al  coragon  hecho  fragua, 
que  muy  crece  y  s'estiende, 
y  muy  mucho  mas  s'enciende 
quanto  mas  se  le  echa  d'agua. 
Pues  ya  me  falta  la  haya, 
no  faltandome  el  penar, 
bien  sera  que  no  me  vaya 
a  buscar  tronco  en  que  caya 
lo  que  aqui  no  puede  estar."  2 

(Book  IV,  fol.  116.) 

Don  Felix  now  inquires  about  the  poem  on  the  tree  and 
bids  Crimine  recite  it,  but  Doria  said :  "  I  would  first  know 
if  it  be  such  a  one  as  the  last,  for  if  it  be  not,  she  did  well 
to  leauve  off  her  tale  at  such  a  point ;  for  it  is  not  the  con- 
dition of  my  palate  to  remain  with  an  ill  taste,  when  it 
hath  once  a  good  one  "  (porque  no  es  de  mi  paladar,  quedar 
con  mal  gusto,  si  puede  tenerle  bueno). 

1  "  Y  de  tal  manera  durmiendo,  que  mostrauan  no  ser  aquel  su  prin- 
cipal intento;  porque  las  cristalinas  lagrimas  que  por  sus  encendidas 
mexillas  en  copetencia  decendian,  significauan  auer  mas  abundancia 
de  cogoxosos  pensamientos  en  el  coragon,  que  cantidad  de  soporiferos 
vapores  en  el  celebro '  (p.  507). 

2  And  in  such  sort,  because  it  doth  offend 
My  heart  that  burns  like  to  the  smithie  flame 
For  it  doth  more  increase  and  doth  extend, 
And  more  it  doth  with  sparkling  flames  incend, 
The  more  that  water's  cast  upon  the  same : 
And  now  since  want  of  hedgerow  faileth  me, 
And  that  I  feele  increase,  not  want  of  paine, 
I  think  it  best  for  me  to  goe  and  see 
If  I  can  finde  some  other  hedge  or  tree, 
To  write  that  there,  which  this  cannot  containe. 


68  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

The  trees,  however,  are  full  of  poetry,  for  the  next  day 
they  find  a  sycamore,  on  the  bark  of  which  is  a  poem  in 
fourteen  stanzas  of  ten  lines  each.  Sitting  beneath  the 
trees  the  shepherds  indulge  in  long  conversations  "  in  all 
which  time  neither  Rebecke  nor  Baggepipe  were  heard, 
unless  it  were  when  other  nymphs  came:  for  when  louers 
are  alone,  singing  (I  thinke)  and  musicke  pleaseth  not  their 
musing  mindes  so  much  as  the  mutuall  contemplation  and 
looking  of  one  another ;  and  that  talking  and  amorous  con- 
versation should  be  more  pleasant  and  sweete  to  them,  then 
the  melodic  of  sweete  musicke."  l  That  evening  they  sat 
beneath  "  a  leafie  sallow  tree,"  when  fierce  Gorphorost,  a 
giant  from  whose  pursuit  Stela  saved  herself  by  leaping 
into  a  stream,  came  out  of  his  cave  and  approached  the 
spot  where  Stela  had  cast  herself  into  the  river.  "  After 
he  had  sit  down  a  little  while  and  laid  his  scrip  by  his  side, 
he  took  a  flute  out  of  it,  made  of  a  hundred  Baggepipes 
joined  together  with  waxe.  Putting  it  to  his  mouth  and  blow- 
ing it  strongly  to  cleere  it  of  filth  within  (puesta  a  la  boca 
y  tocada  con  furia  para  limpiarla,  si  alguna  suziedad  tenia 
dentro),  the  hills  resounded  againe,  the  rivers  ranne  backe, 
the  wilde  beasts  and  fish  were  stroken  in  a  feare  and  the 
forrests  and  woods  thereabouts  began  to  tremble."  Being 
a  lusty  giant,  he  sings  twenty-six  stanzas,  then  seizes  one 
of  his  rivals,  Parthenio,  believing  that  he  is  Delicio,  and 
casts  him  into  a  cave.  Stela  and  Crimena  in  their  search 
for  him,  meet  a  shepherdess,  who,  flinging  a  ball  into  the 
air,  runs  away.  On  picking  up  the  ball  they  find  that  it 
is  made  of  linen,  upon  which  Parthenio  has  written  a  note. 
How  Parthenio  returns  we  are  not  told,  but  we  find  him 

1 "  Creo  yo  que  estando  solos  los  que  bien  se  aman,  que  no  ay  cantar, 
ni  taner,  sino  contemplar,  y  hablar,  deue  de  ser  mas  apazible  la  con- 
versacion  de  amorosas  palabras  que  la  melodia  de  la  duke  musica" 
(p.  546). 


THE  DIANA  OF  ALONSO  PEREZ  69 

safe  and  sound  in  the  next  book,  which  opens  with  a 
thunder  storm.  A  shepherd  arrives,  who  is  seeking  a  place 
to  sleep,  for  he  says  "  they  tell  me  that  lightning  spares 
those  who  sleep."  i 

He  is  the  only  happy  shepherd  that  has  yet  appeared,  and 
rejoices 

"  de  set  el  mas  f  elice  que  ha  nacido 
entre  aquellos  que  sirven  a  Cupido." 

He  bids  all  the  shepherds  leave  their  lasses  and  come  to 
love  his : 

"  dexad  vuestras  zagales  al  instante 
venid  a  amar  a  esta  mi  pastora." 

Alas !  it  is  no  longer  time,  Sylvanus  saying :  "  By  my 
faith,  friend  shepherd,  thou  commest  too  late  with  thy 
counsell.  For  to  leaue  of  that  which  we  have  already  for 
this  yoong  shepherdesse,  I  thinke  there  is  no  remedie." 
The  new  comer  tells  of  a  famous  shepherd  in  the  country 
of  St.  Stephen,  who  came  there  from  foreign  lands,  to 
whose  great  knowledge  nature  herself  seemed  subject.  "  O 
what  great  profit  do  we  and  our  flockes  receive  by  his  com- 
panie  with  us !  We,  by  easing  us  of  our  continuall  labours 
by  his  industry;  our  flockes  by  healing  their  common  dis- 
eases. If  there  were  any  gadding  goat  that  estraying  from 
his  companie,  did  put  us  to  trouble  in  seeking  him,  by 
cutting  his  beard,  he  made  him  keep  still  with  the  flock. 
If  the  Ram,  which  for  guide  of  the  rest  we  chose  out  for 
the  stoutest,  we  could  not  make  gentle,  be  made  more  mild 
then  a  lamb,  by  making  holes  thorow  his  homes  hard  by 
his  eares.  He  told  us  the  fuls  and  wanes  of  the  Moone, 
by  the  Antes  and  the  dores  (escarabajos  =  beetles).  For 

1 "  Porque  me  dizen  que  perdona  el  rayo  a  los  que  duermen." 


70  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

the  Antes  betweene  the  Moones  take  their  rest,  and  in  the 
full  labour  night  and  day."  l  He  also  tells  of  the  love  of 
Firmius  and  Faustus  for  Diana,  and  presently  Diana  dis- 
appears with  Faustus,  when,  however,  another  shepherdess, 
Gardenia,  appears.  She  complains  that  Faustus  "  did  once 
love  her,"  and  weeping,  wipes  away  her  tears,  "  con  una 
cristalina  mano,  que  no  en  pequena  admiracion  puso  a  los 
pastores,  que  la  vieron."  She  now  recites  the  sonnets  and 
letters  Faustus  had  sent  her,  saying :  "  To  any  of  these  I 
never  had  an  answer,  whereupon  I  thinke  he  never  made 
account  of  them,  and  of  the  last  especially,  because  he  had 
quite  forgotten  me  when  that  came."  A  shepherd  is  heard 
singing : 

"  Guardame   mis   vacas 
Carillo,  por  tu  fe, 
Besame  primero 
Y  te  las  guardare." 

They  depart  again  for  Felicia's  palace,  whither  come  also 
"  a  pilgrim  called  Placindus,  and  Danteus  and  Duarda,  the 
portingall  shepherdess." 

Placindas  now  relates  the  story  of  Disteus,  "  descended 
from  the  race  of  King  Eolus  in  Eolia,  whom  they  after- 
wards called  the  God  of  the  winds,  and  of  his  love  for  Dar- 
danea,  sister  of  Sagastes."  The  story  is  long  drawn  out, 
the  result  being  that  Delicio  and  Parthenio  are  the  sons  of 
Disteus  and  Dardanea,  who  flee  to  Trinacria,  where  the 
former  becomes  a  shepherd  "  to  dissemble  his  noble  con- 
dition with  his  base  estate." 

In  the  last  two  books  sight  is  lost  entirely  of  Diana,  who 
is  now  a  widow,  Delio,  her  husband,  having  died,  we  are 
told.  At  the  conclusion  the  author  says :  "  whoever  desires 

1 "  Porque  las  hormigas  entre  lunas  reposan,  y  en  el  lleno,  aun  todas 
las  noches  trabajan." 


THE  DIANA  OF  ALONSO  PEREZ  71 

to  see  the  obsequies  of  Delio,  the  rivalry  of  Faustus,  Firmio 
and  Sireno,  etc.,  let  him  attend  me  in  the  third  part  of  this 
work,  which  shall  soon  be  printed,  God  willing.  It  was  not 
added  here  not  to  make  too  large  a  volume."  x 

The  inferiority  of  this  continuation  to  the  original  of 
Montemayor  is  at  once  apparent,  nor  did  it  at  any  time 
meet  with  much  success.  Salva  gives  no  separate  edition 
of  the  work  of  Perez  after  the  first  one  of  1564  at  Alcala 
de  Henares.  In  every  respect  it  falls  below  the  Diana;  it 
does  not  maintain  its  moral  standard;  a  host  of  new  char- 
acters is  brought  upon  the  scene,  who  appear  and  disappear 
without  any  motive,  serving  only  to  complicate  the  narra- 
tive and  confuse  the  reader;  the  various  incidents  are 
clumsily  introduced,  showing  an  entire  lack  of  invention, 
and  contribute  nothing  to  advance  the  main  story,  the 
thread  of  which  is,  in  fact,  entirely  lost  in  the  seventh  and 
eighth  books,  leaving  us  in  complete  ignorance  of  the  fate 
of  the  principal  characters,  which  is  to  be  disclosed,  accord- 
ing to  the  author's  promise,  in  a  part  which  never  appeared. 
In  short,  the  prose  of  the  Diana  of  Perez  is  prolix  and  ted- 
ious, and  its  poetry  never  rises  above  mediocrity. 

1  See  the  criticism  of  the  curate,  in  the  examination  of  Don  Quixote's 
library.  Part  I,  Chap.  vi.  It  would  seem  from  the  above  that  the 
'  third  part '  was  already  written. 


THE  "  DIANA  ENAMORADA  "  OF  GIL  POLO. 

In  the  same  year,  1654,  there  appeared  at  Valencia  the 
Diana  enamorada,  of  Caspar  Gil  Polo,  likewise  a  continu- 
ation of  Montemayor's  Diana.1  Polo  was  a  native  of  Val- 
encia; not  the  professor  of  Greek  in  the  University  of  that 
city,  as  Ticknor  says,  nor  the  "  elegante  jurisconsulto," 
given  as  the  author  by  Nicolas  Antonio,  Rodriguez  and  Xi- 
meno,  but  the  father  of  the  great  jurist,  as  Fuster,  it  seems 
to  me,  has  conclusively  shown.2 

1  Prim  era  parte  de  Diana  enamorada,  cinco  libros  que  prosiguen  los 
siete  de  la  Diana  de  Jorge  de  Montemayor,  compuestos  par  Caspar 
Gil  Polo:  dirigidos  a  la  muy  Ilustre  Senora  Dona  Hieronima  de  Castro 
y  Bolea. — Con  Privilegio  en  Valencia  en  casa  de  Joan  Mey,  ano  de 
1564- 

The  following  letter,  omitted  in  the  only  version  accessible  to  me, 
is  interesting:  A  los  lectores. — .  .  .  Fuse  aqui  algunas  rimas  y  -versos 
de  estilo  nuevo,  y  hasta  agora  (que  yo  sepa),  no  usado  en  esta  lengua. 
Las  Rimas  hice  a  imitacion  de  las  que  he  leido  en  libros  antiguos  de 
Poetas  Provenzales,  y  por  eso  les  di  este  nombre.  Los  versos  compuse 
a  semejanza  de  los  que  en  lengua  francesa  llaman  heroicos,  y  ansi 
los  nombre  franceses:  dile  la  rima  que  por  agora  me  parescio  mejor. 
Quien  dello  se  contentare,  podra  probar  la  mano  a  hacer  dellos  ter- 
cetos  y  otras  rimas,  que  no  dejaran  de  parescer  muy  bien.  A  este 
libro  nombre  Diana  enamorada,  porque  prosiguiendo  la  Diana  de 
Montemayor,  me  parescio  convenirle  este  nombre,  pues  el  dejo  a  la 
pastora  en  este  trance.  El  que  tuviere  por  deshonesto  el  nombre  de 
enamorada,  no  me  condene  hasta  ver  la  honestidad  que  aqui  se  trata, 
el  decoro  que  se  guarda  en  la  persona  de  Diana.  .  .  .  Hallareis  aqui 
proseguidas  y  rematadas  las  historias  que  Jorge  de  Montemayor 
dejo  por  acabar,  y  muchas  anadidas."  Gallardo,  Ensayo,  III,  col.  1242. 
This  edition  was  followed  by  one  at  Antwerp,  1567.  See  Salva,  Catd- 
logo,  II,  p.  145. 

2  Fuster,  Biblioteca  Valenciana,  Tome  I,  p.   150,  et  seq.     It  is  un- 
necessary to  quote  his  arguments  at  length.    He  shows  that  Dr.  Gas- 
par  Gil  Polo,  to  whom  the  above  writers  attribute  the  Diana  enamo- 
rada, was  the  son  of  Caspar  Gil  Polo  and  Isabel  Gil;  that  he  was  an 

72 


THE  DIANA  ENAMORADA  OF  GIL  POLO  73 

Polo's  work  is  vastly  superior  to  that  of  Perez,  and  was 
received  with  great  public  favor.  It  was  highly  praised  by 
Cervantes,  and  Nicolas  Antonio  even  said:  vel  aequavit 
Georgium,  vel  superavit.1 

The  Diana  enamorada  opens  with  the  recovery  of  Sireno 
from  the  influence  of  the  draught  administered  by  Felicia, 
and  as  a  result  of  which  he  becomes  entirely  indifferent  to 
Diana,  who  complains  of  his  neglect.  She  visits  the  "  foun- 
tain of  the  Alders,"  besides  which  she  had  so  often  sat  in 
the  company  of  Sireno,  and  while  bewailing  her  lot,2  is 

advocate  of  the  '  Brazo  Real '  at  the  Cortes  held  at  Monzon  in  1626. 
As  the  Diana  of  Polo  first  appeared  in  1564,  supposing  him  to  have 
written  it  when  twenty  years  old,  he  must  have  been  eighty-two  years 
old  in  1626,  an  age,  he  shows,  at  which  he  could  not  have  performed 
the  duties  devolving  upon  his  office.  Other  evidence  is  adduced  to 
prove  that  in  1564  Dr.  Polo  was  not  more  than  sixteen  or  seventeen 
years  of  age.  His  conclusion  is  that  the  author  of  the  Diana  enamo- 
rada was  Caspar  Gil  Polo,  the  father  of  Dr.  Polo,  the  jurist,  as  he  was 
the  only  other  member  of  that  family  in  Valencia,  who,  in  addition 
to  Caspar,  bore  the  name  Gil.  The  name  of  the  Greek  professor  at 
Valencia  from  1566  to  1574  was  simply  Gil  Polo.  Fuster  gives  a 
sonnet  by  our  author,  prefixed  to  La  Pasion  de  Nuestro  Senor  Jesu- 
cristo,  by  D.  Alonso  Giron  y  Rebolledo,  published  at  Valencia  in  1563. 
Rebolledo  wrote  a  complimentary  sonnet  to  the  Diana  enamorada. 

xThe  Diana  of  Perez,  'the  Salamancan,'  which  we  have  just 
noticed,  is,  on  the  contrary,  incontinently  committed  to  the  heap  of 
rubbish  in  the  yard.  "  Este  que  sigue,  dejo  el  Barbero,  es  La  Diana, 
llamada  Segunda  del  Salmantino:  y  este,  otro  que  tiene  el  mismo 
nombre,  cuyo  autor  es  Gil  Polo.  Pues  la  del  Salmantino,  respondio 
el  Cura,  acompane  y  acreciente  el  numero  de  los  condenados  al  corral, 
y  la  de  Gil  Polo  se  guarde  como  si  fuera  del  mismo  Apolo."  Don 
Quixote,  Part  I,  Chap.  vi.  It  is  possible  that  the  pun  upon  Polo  and 
Apolo  may,  in  some  measure,  be  responsible  for  this  high  estimate  of 
our  author.  However,  Cervantes  also  praises  Polo  in  his  Canto  de 
Caliope  in  his  Galatea,  Book  vi. 
2 Diana  sings:  . 

"  Mi  sufrimiento  cansado 

del  mal  importune  y  fiero 

a  tal  estremo  ha  llegado, 

que  publicar  mi  cuydado 


74 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 


overheard  by  a  shepherd  who  has  been  listening  in  the 
bushes,  and,  who  now  advancing,  requests  Diana  to  relate 
the  story  of  her  life,  with  which  the  latter,  fascinated  by 
the  beauty  of  the  shepherdess,  complies,  cautioning  the 
stranger,  however,  to  be  content  to  know  her  name,  but 
not  her  sufferings.  The  shepherdess  (Alcida)  replies:  "I 
know  very  well,  from  the  story  I  have  just  heard  you  sing, 
that  your  grief  is  love,  in  which  infirmity  I  have  great  ex- 
perience. Many  years  have  I  been  a  slave,  but  now  I  am 
free;  I  walked  blindly,  but  now  I  tread  the  paths  of  truth. 
Upon  the  sea  of  love  I  endured  frightful  agonies  and  tor- 
ments, but  now  I  enjoy  a  safe  and  calm  haven." 

A  long  discussion  follows,  in  which  Alcida  maintains  that 
love  exists  only  in  the  imagination,  and  that  its  power  is 
due  only  to  the  fact  that  no  resistance  is  ever  offered  to  it. 
She  recites  the  following  sonnet  : 

No  es  ciego  Amor,  mas  yo  lo  soy,  que  guio 
mi  voluntad  camino  del  tormento : 
no  es  nino  Amor :  mas  yo  que  en  un  momento 
espero  y  tengo  miedo,  lloro  y  rio. 

Nombrar  llamas  de  Amor  es  desvario, 
su  fuego  es  el  ardiente  y  vivo  intento, 
sus  alas  son  mi  altivo  pensamiento, 
y  la  esperanza  vana  en  que  me  no. 

No  tiene  Amor  cadenas,  ni  saetas, 
para  prender  y  herir  libres  y  sanos, 
que  en  el  no  hay  mas  poder  del  que  le  damos. 

Porque  es  Amor  mentira  de  poetas, 
sueno  de  locos,  idolo  de  vanos ; 
mirad  que  negro  Dios  el  que  adoramos.1 

me  es  el   remedio  postrero. 
Sientase  el  bravo  dolor 
y  trabajosa  agonia 
de  la  que  muere  de  amor, 
y  olvidada  de  un  pastor, 
que  de  olvidado  moria,"  etc. 
1  Loue  is  not  blinde,  but  I,  which  fondly  guide 
My  will  to  tread  the  path  of  amorous  paine: 


THE  DIANA  ENAMORADA  OF  GIL  POLO  75 

She  continues  to  rail  against  love,  adding:  "  all  the  verses 
of  lovers  are  full  of  grief,  composed  with  sighs,  blotted 
with  tears  and  sung  with  agony."  Hardly  had  Alcida 
spoken  these  words  when  Diana  perceived  far  off  her  hus- 
band, Delio,1  saying :  "  Behold  my  Delio !  We  must  dis- 
semble what  we  have  been  discussing.  Whereupon  they 
sing  some  Ritnas  provenzales.  The  jealous  Delio  ap- 
proaches and  is  received  by  his  wife  "  with  an  angelic  coun- 
tenance." Delio,  of  course,  becomes  desperately  enamoured 
of  Alcida.  A  voice  is  now  heard,  "  the  sweetness  of  which 
delights  them  marvelously,"  and  presently  they  see  a  "weary 
shepherd  "  approaching  the  fountain.  He  is  singing,  the 
concluding  lines  of  his  song  being: 

"  Love,  why  dost  thou  not  loose  my  chains, 
Since  in  such  liberty  thou  hast  left  Alcida." 

Alcida,  immediately  recognizing  the  voice  as  Marcelio's, 
bids  Diana  not  to  betray  her  presence,  and  hastens  away 
through  a  thick  wood  to  escape  this  shepherd,  "  whom  she 
abhorred  like  death  itself."  Marcelio  arrives  "  so  weary 
and  distressed  that  it  seemed  that  fortune  was  grieving  at 
having  offered  him  that  clear  fountain  and  the  company  of 

Loue  is  no  childe,  but  I,  which  all  in  vaine, 
Hope,  fear,  and  laugh,  and  weepe  on  euery  side : 
Madness  to  say,  that  flames  are  Cupid's  pride, 
For  my  desire  his  fier  doth  containe, 
His  wings  my  thoughts  most  high  and  soueraine, 
And  that  vaine  hope,  wherein  my  ioies  abide : 
Loue  hath  no  chaines,  nor  shaftes  of  such  intent, 
To  take  and  wound  the  whole  and  freest  minde 
Whose  power  (then  we  giue  him)  is  no  more, 
For  loue's  a  tale,  that  poets  did  inuent, 
A  dreame  of  fooles,  and  idoll  vain  and  blinde: 
See  then  how  black  a  God  doe  we  adore? 

— Yong's  translation. 

1  Delio,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  dead  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
second  part  of  the  Diana  of  Perez. 


76  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Diana,  as  some  relief  to  his  sufferings"  ("tan  cansado  y 
afligido,  que  parescio  la  fortuna  doliendose  del,  havelle 
ofrescido  aquella  clara  fuente,  y  la  compafiia  de  Diana  para 
algun  alivio  de  su  pena  ").  Delio  now  pursues  Alcida,  and 
is  deaf  to  the  call  of  Diana,  while  the  newly-arrived  Mar- 
celio  is  seeking  Alcida.  Marcelio,  at  Diana's  request,  now 
recites  the  story  of  his  life;  that  he  lived  at  the  court  of 
Portugal,  entered  the  army  in  Africa,  where  he  was  be- 
trothed to  Alcida,  daughter  of  a  distinguished  knight,  Eu- 
gerio;  of  his  shipwreck  while  on  his  way  to  Lisbon  to  cele- 
brate the  nuptials ;  of  the  treachery  of  the  sailors  who  car- 
ried off  Clenarda,  the  sister  of  Alcida,  and  separated  him 
from  Alcida,  and  how  finally  he  was  rescued  by  fishermen, 
and  of  his  vain  search  for  Alcida  ever  since.  "  Marcelio 
now  began  to  weep  so  bitterly  and  to  sigh  so  dolorously, 
that  it  was  a  great  pity  to  see  him." 

Diana,  however,  knowing  that  even  a  love-lorn  shepherd 
needs  something  more  substantial  than  tears  and  sighs, 
says :  "  Since  I  am  forsaken  by  my  husband  Delio,  as  you 
are  by  Alcida,  suppose  we  eat  a  few  bites  together."  And 
they  eat.  Two  shepherds,  Tauriso  and  Berardo,  "  que  por 
Diana  penados  andaban,"  now  appear  and  sing  of  Diana. 
Some  of  these  verses  are  clearly  reminiscent  of  Garcilaso : 

"  Un  dia  al  campo  vino, 
Aserenado  el  cielo, 
La  luz  de  perfectissimas  mugeres, 
Las  hebras  de  oro  fino 
Cubiertas  con  un  velo, 
Prendido  con  dorados  alfileres; 
Mil  juegos  y  placeres 
Passaba  con  su  esposo, 
Yo  tras  un  myrtho  estaba, 
Y  vi  que  el  alargaba 
La  mano  al  bianco  velo,  y  el  hermoso 
Cabello  quedo  suelto, 
Y  yo  de  vello  en  triste  miedo  envuelto." 


THE  DIANA  EN  AMOR  AD  A  OF  GIL  POLO 


77 


All  now  resolve  to  visit  the  Temple  of  Diana  on  the  mor- 
row. Accordingly  the  next  morning,  when  "  la  rubicunda 
Aurora  con  su  dorado  gesto  ahuyentaba  las  nocturnas  es- 
trellas,  y  las  aves  con  suave  canto  anunciaban  el  cercano 
dia,  la  enamorada  Diana,"  with  her  bagpipe  and  her  scrip 
filled  with  provisions,  sets  forth.  She  is,  however,  too 
early  for  the  weary  Marcelio,  and  while  sitting  down  to 
wait  for  him,  she  sings  a  cancion,  beginning : 

"  Madruga  un  poco,  luz  del  claro  dia, 
and  ending: 

Cancion,  en  algun  pino,  o  dura  encina 

No  quise  senalarte, 

Mas  antes  entregarte 

Al  sordo  campo  y  al  mudable  viento ; 

Porque  de  mi  torment.o 

Se  pierda  la  noticea  y  la  memoria, 

Pues  ya  perdida  esta  mi  vida  y  gloria.        (Book  II.) 

Soon  the  '  desamado '  Marcelio  appears,  and  like  a  well- 
bred  shepherd,  apologizes  for  his  tardiness.  Diana  now  re- 
lates that  she  has  been  forsaken  by  Sireno,  "  by  whom  she 
was  formerly  loved,"  but  fate,  "  which  perverts  all  human 
intentions,"  willed  that  she  should  obey  her  father  and 
marry  the  jealous  Delio.  A  long  discussion  now  follows  on 
jealousy, — its  nature  and  causes.  Presently  they  enter  a 
delightful  little  grove  and  hear  a  plaintive  voice  accom- 
panied by  a  sweet  lyre,  singing  a  strange  melody."  "  After 
this  shepherdess  had  ceased  her  sweet  singing,  loosing  the 
reins  to  bitter  and  grievous  weeping,  she  shed  such  an 
abundance  of  tears  and  uttered  such  sad  groans,  that  by 
them  and  the  words  she  spake,  we  knew  that  the  cause  of 
her  grief  was  some  cruel  deception  of  her  suspicious  hus- 
band." Diana  and  Marcelio  approach  the  shepherdess, 
who  says :  "  Since  I  was  forsaken  by  my  cruel  spouse,  I  do 


78  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

not  remember  to  have  experienced  so  much  joy  as  I.  now 
do  to  see  you."  The  strange  shepherdess  is  Ismenia,  in 
love  with  Montano.  She  is,  however,  also  beloved  by 
Fileno,  Montano's  father, — hence  all  her  troubles.  She 
relates  how  the  "  enamorado  viejo  "  promised  her  many 
jewels  and  dresses  and  sent  her  many  letters.  In  one  of 
them  he  says :  "  I  know  very  well  that  I  am  old,  but  old 
age  has  its  advantages,  for  human  habitations,  however 
modern,  are  not  to  be  compared  with  those  of  the  ancient 
Romans,  and  in  matters  of  beauty,  splendor  and  gallantry, 
the  saying  is,  there  is  nothing  like  the  past."  * 

Ismenia  finally  married  Montano,  incurring  the  wrath 
of  Fileno, — who  now  marries  Felisarda,  whom  Montano 
formerly  loved  but  had  rejected,  and  who  now  conspires 
with  a  shepherdess  named  Sylveria,  to  ruin  Montano.  The 
plan  is  not  successful,  but  Montano's  jealousy  being  aroused 
by  some  remarks  his  father  had  made,  he  leaves  the  village, 
never  to  return.  Since  that  time  Ismenia  has  sought  Mon- 
tano, to  free  herself  of  the  stain  upon  her.  On  concluding 
her  story,  they  betake  themselves  to  a  delightful  forest, 
where  they  hear  the  songs  of  shepherds,  who,  as  they  learn 
afterwards,  are  Tauriso  and  Berardo.  While  listening  to 
the  songs  of  the  shepherds  they  hear  the  voices  of  a  man 
and  a  woman,  who  are  found  to  be  Polydoro  and  Clenarda, 
the  brother  and  sister  of  Alcida.  There  is  great  rejoicing, 
after  which  they  sit  by  the  fountain  and  eat,  and  during 
the  repast  Polydoro  relates  how  he  escaped,  with  his  father, 

1"Los   edificios  humanos 

quanto  mas  modernos   son, 
no  tienen  comparacion 
con  los  antiguos  Romanos. 
Y  en  las  cosas  de  primor, 
gala,   asseo  y  valentia, 
suelen  decir  cada  dia, 
lo  passado  es  lo  mejor." 


THE  DIANA  ENAMORADA  OF  GIL  POLO 


79 


from  the  shipwreck,  and  how  they  were  rescued  on  the 
coast  of  Valencia  by  fishermen,1  who  tell  them  that  on  that 
same  morning  they  had  also  rescued  a  woman  from  a  dis- 
tressed vessel,  and  repairing  to  the  hut  of  the  fishermen, 
they  find  Clenarda,  singing  with  the  fisherman's  daugh- 
ters, one  of  whom,  named  Nerea,  now  sings  a  cancion.2 

1  One  of  the  sailors  sings  the  following  sonnet : 

Recoge  a  los  que  aflige  el  mar  ayrado, 
[  O  Valentino  !  O  venturoso  suelo ! 
Donde  jamas  se  quaja  el  duro  hielo, 
Ni  da  Phebo  el  trabajo  acostumbrado. 

Dichoso  el  que  seguro  y  sin  recelo 
De  ser  en  fieras  ondas  anegado, 
Goza  de  la  belleza  de  tu  prado, 
Y  del  favor  de  tu  benigno  cielo. 

Con  mas  fatiga  el  mar  sulca  la  nave, 
Que  el  labrador  cansado  tus  barvechos ; 
t  O  tierra !  antes  que  el  mar  se  ensobervezca, 

iRecoge  a  los  perdidos  y  deshechos, 
Para  que  quando  en  Turia  yo  me  lave, 
Estas  malditas  aguas  aborrezca. 

2  This  Cancion  de  Nerea  is  very  beautiful.     In  the  following  stanzas 
Sr.  Menendez  Pelayo  detects  an  imitation  of  Virgil's  ninth  Eclogue, 
the   lines   beginning :    Hue    ades,    o    Galatea,    quis    est   nam    ludus    in 
undis  ?  etc. : 

Nympha  hermosa,  no  te  vea 
Jugar  con  el  mar  horrendo, 
Y  aunque  mas  placer  te  sea, 
Huye  del  mar,  Galatea, 
Como  estas  de  Lycio  huyendo. 
****** 

Ven  comigo  al  bosque  ameno 
Y  al  apacible  sombrio 
De  olorosas  flores  lleno, 
Do  en  el  dia  mas  sereno 

No  es  enojoso  el  E'stio.  .  .  . 

****** 

Huye  los  sobervios  mares, 
Ven,  veras  como  cantamos 
Tan  deleytosos  cantares, 
Que  los  mas  duros  pesares 
Suspendemos    y    enganamos.  .  .  .  (Book    III.) 


go  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

At  the  conclusion  of  Polydoro's  story,  Clenarda  recites  her 
adventures,  and  the  next  day  they  go  to  the  Temple  of 
Diana,  where  the  sage  Felicia  dwells,  who  would  alleviate 
all  their  woes.  Here  they  find  Syreno.  As  a  pastime  dur- 
ing their  wanderings,  Clenarda  tells  of  her  adventures  in 
the  fields  and  along  the  banks  of  the  Guadalquivir,  and 
what  she  had  heard  of  the  famous  Turia,  the  principal 
river  of  that  land.  One  day  Polydoro  and  Clenarda,  ar- 
riving at  the  hut  of  a  cowherd,  were  told  that  they  should 
not  fail  to  hear  the  legend  which  the  famous  Turia  would 
shortly  sing.  They  proceed  to  a  spacious  meadow,  where 
they  saw  a  great  number  of  nymphs  and  shepherds,  all 
waiting  for  the  famous  Turia  to  begin  his  song.  "  Not 
long  after  this,  we  saw  old  Turia  come  out  of  a  deep  cave, 
in  his  hand  an  urn  or  vase,  very  large  and  ornamental, 
his  head  covered  with  leaves  of  oak  and  laurel,  his  arms 
hairy,  his  beard  slimy  and  gray.  ..."  "  And  sitting  upon 
the  ground,  reclining  upon  the  urn  and  pouring  forth  from 
it  an  abundance  of  clear  water,  raising  his  hoarse  voice, 
he  sang  the  celebrated  Canto  de  Turia,  in  praise  of  the  Val- 
encian  poets." 

A  beautiful  nymph,  Arethusa,  who  had  been  gathering 
flowers,  now  conducts  them  to  the  temple.  Diana  asks  her : 
"  What  is  there  now  in  these  parts  ?  "  Arethusa  replies : 
"  What  is  newest  hereabouts  is  that  two  hours  ago  a  lady 
dressed  as  a  shepherdess,  arrived  at  the  house  of  Felicia, 
who,  being  seen  by  an  old  man  present,  was  recognized  as 
his  daughter.  The  name  of  the  old  man,  if  I  remember 
rightly,  is  Eugerio,  and  that  of  the  daughter,  Alcida." 
Among  the  other  shepherds  and  shepherdesses  present  are 
Sylvano  and  Selvagia,  Arsileo  and  Belisa,  "  and  the  chief 
one,  called  Syreno:"  Felicia  receives  them  graciously;  all 
is  explained  satisfactorily  between  Clenarda  and  Alcida, 
and  they  retire,  to  meet  at  the  fountain  next  morning. 


THE  DIANA  ENAMORADA  OF  GIL  POLO  gl 

"  Then,  as  the  expectation  of  such  pleasure  made  them  all 
pass  the  night  with  difficulty,  "  they  all  arose  so  early  that 
long  before  the  hour  agreed  upon  they  arrived  at  the  foun- 
tain with  their  instruments,  "  and  began  to  sing  and  play 
by  the  light  of  the  moon."  Diana  and  Ismenia  were  still 
sleeping,  however,  but  being  awakened  by  footsteps,  Is- 
menia rouses  Diana,  who,  knocking  on  the  wall,  wakes 
Marcelio.  Ismenia  now  hears  someone  singing  a  Sextine, 
and  at  once  recognizes  the  voice  as  that  of  her  husband, 
Montano.  Presently  Diana  also  hears  the  voice  of  Syreno. 
They  go  to  the  garden  to  await  Felicia,  where  Marcelio 
sees  Don  Felix  and  Felismena,  "  marido  y  muger,"  to  whom 
he  is  presented  by  Sylvano,  whom  he  meets  there  with  Sel- 
vagia.  Marcelio  now  discovers  that  Felismena  is  his 
sister.  Alcida  relates  how  Delio  followed  her,  "  and  when 
all  hope  was  gone,"  grew  ill,  and  was  nursed  by  a  shepherd, 
who  sent  for  Delio's  mother.  The  latter  "  asked  him  the 
cause  of  his  grief,  but  he  gave  no  reply  and  only  wept  and 
sighed,"  and  finally  "  con  un  desmayo  acabo  la  vida  con 
mucho  dolor  de  su  triste  madre,  parientos  y  amigos."  And 
now  Marcelio  and  Alcida,  and  Diana  and  Syreno  are  hap- 
pily united  by  the  "  sapientissima  "  Felicia,  Arsileo  singing 
some  versos  franc eses  in  honor  of  the  marriage.1 

1  These  versos  franceses,  which  are  considered  among  the  most 
beautiful  poetry  in  the  Diana  enamorada,  and,  in  the  opinion  of 
Menendez  y  Pelayo  (Origenes,  I.  p.  cdlxxxviii)  perhaps  the  only 
alexandrines  composed  in  Spain  in  the  sixteenth  century,  are  as 
follows : 

De  flores  matizadas  se  vista  el  verde  prado, 
Retumbe  el  hueco  bosque  de  voces  deleitosas, 
Olor  tengan  mas  fino  las  coloradas  rosas, 
Floridos  ramos  mueva  el  viento  sossegado. 
El  rio  apressurado 
Sus  aguas  acresciente, 
Y  pues  tan  libre  queda  la  fatigada  gente 


82  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

The  fifth  book  consists  merely  of  the  festivities  in  the 
garden  of  Felicia,  "  to  celebrate  the  marriages  and  '  desen- 
gafios  '  of  the  shepherds."  Diana  sings  a  cancion: 

"  La  alma  de  alegria  salte, 
Que  en  tener  mi  bien  presente 
No  hay  descanso  que  me  falte, 
Ni  dolor  que  me  atormente. 

No  pienso  en  viejos  cui dados, 
Que  agravia  muestros  amores 
Tener  presentes  dolores 
For  los  olvidos  pasados. 
Alma,  de  tu  dicha  valte, 
Que  con  bien  tan  excelente 
No  hay  descanso  que  te  falte, 
Ni  dolor  que  te  atormente." 

While  Diana  is  singing,  Melisea,  another  love-lorn  shep- 
herdess, appears,  followed  by  Narciso,  who  comes  to  seek 

Del  congojoso  llanto, 

Moved,  hermosas  Nymphas,  regocijado  canto. 

******* 

Casados  venturosos,  el  poderoso  cielo 
Derrame  en  vuestros  campos  influxo  favorable, 
Y  con  dobladas  crias  en  numero  admirable 
Vuestros  ganados  crezcan  cubriendo  el  ancho  suelo. 
No  os  dafie  el  crudo  hielo 
Los  tiernos  chivaticos, 

Y  tal  cantidad  de  oro  os  haga  entrambos  ricos, 
Que  no  sepais  el  quanto : 

Moved,  hermosas  Nymphas,  regocijado  canto. 

******* 

Remeden  vuestras  voces  las  aves  amorosas, 
Los  ventecicos  suaves  os  hagan  dulce  fiesta, 
Alegrese  con  veros  el  campo  y  la  floresta, 
Y  os  vengan  a  las  manos  las  flores  olorosas : 
Los  lirios  y  las  rosas, 
Jazmin  y  flor  de  Gnido, 
La  madreselva  hermosa  y  el  arrayan  florido, 
Narciso  y  amaranto : 
Moved,  hermosas  Nymphas,  regocijado  canto.       (Book  IV.) 


THE  DIANA  ENAMORADA  OF  GIL  POLO  83 

the  aid  of  Felicia.  And  now  Ismenia,  "  her  face  giving 
signs  of  the  inward  happiness  she  feels  after  such  pro- 
tracted cares,"  sings  another  cancion.  After  a  dance  by  a 
troupe  of  nymphs  around  "  a  white  stag  with  black  spots," 
the  symbolical  meaning  of  which  is  explained  by  Felicia, 
the  whole  company  entertain  themselves  with  a  number  of 
riddles  or  "  preguntas."  x 

After  this  Felicia  prepares  a  magnificent  spectacle  for 
her  guests.  Richly-adorned  barges  containing  nymphs  in 
gorgeous  attire  and  rowed  by  savages  "  crowned  with 
roses,"  and  tied  to  their  rowing-benches  with  chains  of 
silver,  now  appear,  accompanied  by  most  beautiful  music, — 
the  manoeuvres  concluding  with  a  combat  between  the 
barges.  This  concluded,  all  return  to  the  fountain,  where 
they  find  the  shepherd  Tiranio,  who  sings  some  rimas  pro- 
venzales:2 

1  On  these  riddles  see  the  excellent  article  by  Schevill,  "  Some  Forms 
of  the  Riddle  Question  and  the  exercise  of  Wits  in  Popular  Fiction 
and  Formal  Literature,"  1911.    (University  of  California  Publications.) 

2  These  rimas  provensales  are  certainly  the  most  beautiful   verses 
in   the   romance,    and   they   have    rarely   been    surpassed   in    Spanish 
poetry : 

Quando  con  mil  colores  devisado 
Viene  el  verano  en  el  ameno  suelo, 
El  campo  hermoso  esta,  sereno  el  cielo, 
Rico  el  pastor,  y  prospero  el  ganado. 
Philomena  por  arboles  floridos 
Da  sus  gemidos : 
Hay  fuentes  bellas, 
Y  en  torno  dellas 
Cantos  suaves 
De  Nymphas  y  aves : 
Mas  si  Elvinia  de  alii  sus  ojos  parte, 
Havra  contino  hibierno  en  toda  parte. 

Quando  el  helado  cierzo  de  hermosura 
Despoja  hierbas,  arboles  y  flores, 
El  canto  dexan  ya  los  ruysenores, 


84  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Felicia  now  perceiving  that  night  is  approaching,  "  and 
it  seeming  to  her  that  her  guests  had  been  sufficiently  en- 
tertained for  that  day,"  made  a  sign,  at  which  all  were 
silent,  and  addressing  the  company,  said  that  her  guests 
could  not  complain  of  the  treatment  accorded  them  by  her 
or  by  her  nymphs;  that  all  had  been  gratified  except  Nar- 
ciso,  "  who  was  displeased  with  the  treatment  of  Melisea, 

Y  queda  el  yermo  campo  sin  verdura; 

Mil  horas  son  mas  largas  que  los  dias 

Las  noches  frias, 

Espessa  niebla 

Con  la  tiniebla 

Escura  y  triste 

El  ayre  viste. 

Mas  saiga  Elvinia  el  campo,  y  por  do  quiera 

Renovara  la  alegre  primavera. 

*          *          *          *          *          *          * 

Si  Delia  en  perseguir  silvestres  fieras, 
Con  muy  castos  cuydados  ocupada 
Va  de  su  hermosa  esquadra  acompanada, 
Buscando  sotos,  campos  y  riberas; 
Napeas  y  Hamadryadas  hermosas 
Con  frescas  rosas 
Le  van  delante, 
Esta  triumphante 
Con  lo  que  tiene: 
Pero  si  viene 

Al  bosque,  donde  caza  Elvinia  mia, 
Parecera  menor  su  lozania. 

Y  quando  aquellos  miembros  delicados 
Se  lavan  en  la  fuente  esclarescida, 
Si  alii  Cynthia  estuviera,  de  corrida 
Los  ojos  abajara  avergonzados. 
Porque  en  la  agua  de  aquella  transparente 
Y  clara  fuente 
El  marmol  fino 
Y  peregrino 
Con  beldad  rara 
Se  figurara, 

Y  al  atrevido  Acteon,  si  la  viera, 
No  en  ciervo,  pero  en  marmol  convertiera. 


THE  DIANA  ENAMORADA  OF  GIL  POLO  85 

and  Tauriano  with  that  of  Elvina;  these  would,  however, 
have  to  content  themselves  with  hope."  Here  the  book  ab- 
ruptly ends,  while  the  history  of  other  shepherds  and  shep- 
herdesses, including  the  Portuguese  Danteo  and  Duarda  is 
again  deferred  to  another  part,  which,  "  before  many  days, 
God  willing,  will  be  published." 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  foregoing  brief  analysis  that 
down  to  the  fifth  book  the  interest  of  the  reader  is  well  sus- 
tained; the  various  incidents  follow  each  other  quite  logi- 
cally,— they  generally  advance  the  action  and  the  main 
thread  of  the  story  is  well  kept  in  view.  In  this  respect 
the  Diana  enamorada  is  superior  to  the  original  of  Monte- 
mayor,  and  a  taste  for  pastoral  fiction  being  once  estab- 
lished, it  is  not  strange  that  the  work  of  Polo  was  success- 
ful, for  of  all  books  of  its  class  its  language  is,  perhaps,  the 
least  affected.  Its  prose  style  is  graceful  and  flowing,  and 
the  poetry  scattered  through  it  is  very  beautiful,  though, 
upon  the  whole,  the  work  is  inferior  to  the  Diana  of  Monte- 
mayor. 

It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  Polo,  after  so  auspicious 
a  beginning  in  the  field  of  literature,  forsook  the  Muse  en- 
tirely, and  never  again  turned  to  poetry.  His  case  finds  a 
parallel  in  the  somewhat  later  poet  Esteban  Manuel  de 
Villegas,  who,  after  his  brilliant  debut  in  his  Eroticas  in 
1617,  like  Polo,  abandoned  letters,  and  passed  the  remainder 
of  his  long  life  in  the  desperately  dry  and  prosaic  practice 
of  the  law.  Both  possessed  the  true  poetic  temperament, 
but,  doubtless,  lyric  poetry  held  out  no  greater  material  in- 
ducements to  its  devotes  in  the  sixteenth  century  than  it 
does  in  the  twentieth,  and  the  lyric  cry  was  stifled  by  the 
cry  for  bread.  The  Diana  enamorada  is  one  of  the  best 
of  the  pastoral  romances ;  it  also  possesses  the  merit  of  not 
being  too  long;  it  is  one  of  the  few  works  in  this  species 
of  literature  that  may  still  be  read  through  with  genuine 
pleasure. 


THE  "  DIANA  "  OF  TEXEDA. 

IN  1627  1  a  third  part  of  the  Diana  by  Hieronymo  de 
Texeda  appeared  in  Paris.2  It  is  a  work  of  no  merit  what- 

1  Sixty-three    years    had    elapsed    between    the    publication    of    the 
Diana  enamorada  of  Gil  Polo  and  this  continuation  by  Texeda,  during 
which  time  most  of  the  prose  pastorals  appeared  in  Spain.     Texeda's 
work  has  only  been  considered  in  this  place  on  account  of  its  very 
close  connection  with  the  Diana  enamorada.    The  Spanish  translators 
of  Ticknor,  Tome  III,  p.  537,  mention  an  edition  of  Texeda  published 
at  Paris  in  1587.     This  is  certainly  a  mistake. 

2  La  Diana  de  Montemayor  nuevamente  compuesto  par  Hieronymo 
de  Texeda  Castellano  interprete  de  Lenguas,  residente  en  la  villa  de 
Paris,  do  se  da  fin  a  las  Historias  de  la  Primera  y  Segunda  Parte. 
Dirigida  al  excelentissimo  Senor  Don  Francisco  de  Guisa  Principe  de 
Joinville.     Tercera  Parte,  Paris,   MDCXXVII.     Impresa  a  costa  del 
Auctor.     It  is  in  two  parts,  bound  in  one  volume,  the  first  part  con- 
taining three  hundred  and   forty-six,  the  second  part  three  hundred 
and  ninety-four  pages. 

Of  the  life  of  Texeda  we  know  nothing,  but  his  address  to  the 
reader,  in  the  above  volume  is  interesting.  It  is  as  follows :  "  Dis- 
creto  y  curioso  lector  por  hauer  considerado  la  Historia  de  la  Diana 
de  Monte  Mayor  estar  en  la  lengua  Espanola  imperfecta  a  causa  de 
que  en  ella  no  se  halla  Terzera  Parte  impresa  aunque  los  impresores 
Franzeses  en  su  lengua  la  han  echo  a  su  fantasia  tan  apartada  del 
intento  e  historias  de  la  primera  y  segunda  parte  como  se  vee,  me  he 
resuelto  a  sacar  la  a  luz  puniendo  con  mi  rudo  estilo  y  corto  enten- 
dimiento  fin  a  las  historias  comenzadas,  suplicando  como  suplico  a 
los  bien  intencionados  reziban  la  buena  voluntad  con  la  qual  prometo 
en  breues  dias  poner  a  luz  todas  las  frases  de  hablar  de  la  lengua 
Espanola  para  dar  alguna  clara  noticia  de  los  libros  curiosos  de  ella 
a  los  aficionados  a  quien  suplico  me  tengan  por  aficionadissimo  cri- 
ado."  (signed)  Texeda. 

From  the  above  reference  to  the  French  translations  of  the  Diana, 
it  seems  that  Texeda  did  not  consider  the  Diana  enamorada  of  Polo 
as  a  third  part,  although,  as  we  shall  see,  he  plundered  it  so  shame- 
86 


THE  DIANA  OF  TEXEDA  87 

ever,  and  is  interesting  only  as  being  one  of  the  boldest  ex- 
amples of  literary  theft  in  the  history  of  any  literature. 

The  story  opens  with  Estela,  Crimine  and  Parisiles 
(characters  introduced  by  Perez,  in  his  continuation)  going 
to  the  village  of  Diana.  They  meet  Amarantho,  and  tell 
him  of  their  going  "  a  las  obsequias  de  un  pastor  llamado 
Delio."  A  story  of  Don  Ramiro,  brother  of  Alfonso  of 
Aragon,  now  follows,  and  on  the  next  day  at  the  fountain 
of  the  Alders,  they  find  Diana  sitting,  who,  believing  her- 
self to  be  alone,  sings : 

"  El  suf  rimiento  cansado 
De  mi  mal  importune  y  fiero 
A  tal  estremo  ha  llegado 
Que  publicar  mi  cuidado 
Es  el  remedio  que  espero. 
Esclaua  de  un  grave  dolor 
Y  dolorosa  agonia 
Soy  la  que  muere  de  amor, 
Oluidada  de  un  Pastor 
Que  de  oluidado  moria,"  etc.1 

Hardly  had  Diana  finished  her  song  when  a  beautiful 
shepherdess  emerges  from  behind  a  myrtle  and  endeavors 

lessly.  As  already  observed,  French  translations  of  the  Diana  had 
appeared  in  1567,  1587  and  1592.  I  possess  a  copy  of  the  latter  trans- 
lation, in  which  the  Diana  enamorada  is  much  abridged,  the  poetry 
being  mostly  translated  into  prose.  The  names  of  the  authors  of  the 
second  and  third  parts  are  nowhere  mentioned  in  the  translations,  so 
that  the  reader  is  left  under  the  impression  that  all  these  parts  are 
by  Montemayor.  The  other  work  which  Texeda  announces  is  men- 
tioned by  Morel-Fatio  (Ambrosio  de  Salasar,  Paris,  1900,  p.  143)  and 
again  in  the  Bull.  Hispanique,  III  (1901),  p.  63.  The  title  reads: 
Methods  pour  entendre  facilement  les  Phrases  et  difficultez  de  /a 
langue  Espagnole.  Par  Hierosme  de  Techeda,  Interprete  Castillant. 
Paris,  1629. 

1  If  we  compare  with  this  the  first  poem  in  the  Diana  enamorada 
of  Polo  (p.  3,  ed.  of  Madrid,  1802)  beginning:  "Mi  suf  rimiento  can- 
sado," we  find  that  Texeda  began  his  plagianism  almost  with  the  first 
page  of  Polo,  making  only  slight  verbal  changes. 


88  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

to  console  her.  It  is  Marfisa,  "  born  of  noble  parents  and 
placed  in  the  position  in  which  you  see  me  by  one  of  the 
various  accidents  of  fickle  fortune."  Diana  relates  her 
griefs  at  the  request  of  Marfisa,  saying:  "If  you  would 
hear  what  love  can  do,  listen  to  a  sonnet  which  my  beloved 
Sirenus  used  to  sing  to  me,  in  the  time  when  his  company 
was  as  pleasant  to  me  as  his  memory  now  is  bitter."  She 
sings  the  sonnet,  beginning : 

"  Que  el  poderoso  Amor  sin  vista  acierte,"  etc.1 

Marfisa  delivers  a  long  discourse  on  the  subject  of  love 
and  jealousy,  just  as  in  the  Diana  enamorada  of  Polo,  after 
which  she  recites  a  sonnet  (p.  33),  which  is  an  exact  copy 
from  the  latter  work,  except  the  fifth  line : 

"  Nombrar  llamas  de  Amor  es  desvario," 

which  is  omitted.2 

Texeda  next  gives  us  Polo's  sonnet  (p.  15)  beginning: 

"  Quien  libre  esta,  no  viva  descuydado." 
The  song  printed  by  Texeda  (p.  53),  beginning: 
Mientras  el  sol  sus  rayos  tan  ardientes 

is  the  same  as  the  Rimas  Provenzales  of  Polo  (pp.  17-21), 
the  changes  being  very  slight  and  always  to  the  detriment  of 
the  verses. 

It  were  useless  to  pursue  this  comparison  in  detail, — a 

1  Cf .  with  this  the  Diana  enamorada,  p.   10:   "  De  cuyas    (Amor) 
hazanas  y  maravillas  en  este  mesmo  lugar  canto  un  dia  mi  querido 
Syreno,  en  el  tiempo  que  fue  para  mi  tan  dulce,  como  me  es  agora 
amarga  su  memoria."    The  sonnet  which  follows  has  been  copied  by 
Texeda  verbatim, — only  here  and  there  changing  a  word.    The  name 
of  the  shepherdess  Alcida  is  changed  to  Marfisa  by  Texeda. 

2  It  is   Polo's  sonnet  beginning :   "  No  es  ciego  Amor,   mas  yo   lo 
soy,  que  guio"  (page  12). 


THE  DIANA  OF  TEXEDA 


89 


few  excerpts  from  the  prose  portion  will  show  that  this, 
also,  is  taken  from  Polo. 

In  the  conversation  of  Marfisa  with  Delio  (p.  58),  the 
former  says  :  "  En  gran  cargo  estoy  a  la  f  ortuna,  pues  me 
ha  no  solo  puesto  en  ocasion  de  ver  la  hermosura  de  Diana,- 
mas  en  la  presentia  de  aquel  que  juzgo  merecedor  de  tal 
beldad,  pero  admiro  me  ver  que  tengas  tan  poca  con  la  que 
mereze  no  solo  por  su  beldad,  mas  por  su  raro  entendi- 
miento  y  discrecion  ser  estimada,  pues  la  dexas  hir  solo  un 
paso  sin  tu  compam'a,  creo  bien  que  siempre  la  tienes  en  tu 
coragon."  1 

Again,  on  p.  66,  Texeda  has  :  "  Pues  me  consta  mi  es- 
poso  Delio  va  en  seguimiento  de  una  hermosissima  pastora 
que  no  ha  mucho  se  aparto  de  nuestra  compania  y  por  las 
muestras  de  aficion  con  que  vi,  la  mirava  en  mi  presengia, 
y  suspires  que  de  lo  profundo  del  corazon  sacaua  como 
aquella  que  sabe  bien  con  quanta  perseuerencia  suele  em- 
prender  lo  que  en  el  pensamiento  se  le  pone,  tengo  por 
cierto,  no  dejara  de  seguir  la  pastora,  aunque  piense  perder 
la  vida,  y  lo  que  mas  mi  espiritu  atormenta,  es  conozer  la 
aspera  y  desamorada  condigion  de  la  Pastora,"  etc.2 

The  sonnet  in  Texeda  (p.  61)  is  the  same  as  Polo's  be- 
ginning 

"  No  puede  darme  Amor  mayor  tormento," 

only  the  second  word  is  changed.  The  Marcelio  of  Polo 
becomes  Aristeo  in  Texeda,  and  recites  the  same  story,  — 
the  shipwreck  and  subsequent  rescue,  —  the  name  of  Mar- 
fisa's  younger  sister,  however,  is  Clarisea,  instead  of  Clen- 

1  Cf.  with  this  the  passage  in  Polo  (p.  12),  beginning:  "Delio,  en 
gran  cargo  soy  a  la  fortuna,  pues  no  solo  me  hizo  ver  la  belleza  de 
Diana,  mas  conoscer  al  que  ella  tuvo  por  meresceder  de  tanto  bien," 
etc. 

2  These  lines  are  copied  from  the  Diana  enamorada,  p.  27. 


90  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

arda,  as  in  Polo.  This  whole  episode  is  made  ridiculous 
by  Texeda,  who  causes  the  sailors,  after  they  have  bound 
Aristeo  "  hand  and  foot,"  to  put  a  tallow  gag  in  his  mouth, 
after  which  they  "  put  him  upon  the  highest  tree  they  could 
find."  They  then  made  off  with  Clarisea,  leaving  Marfisa 
behind,  for  some  reason  that  is  not  explained.  Marfisa 
calls,  but  Aristeo,  his  mouth  full  of  tallow,  is  unable  to 
answer,  so  she  wanders  inland  and  is  lost.  Aristeo  kept 
the  tallow  in  his  mouth  until  rescued  by  some  fishermen 
the  next  day,  when  he  finds  upon  a  poplar  tree  a  sonnet, 
which  the  reader  will  find  in  the  Diana  enamorada  (p.  49), 
with  slight  changes.  The  same  characters  now  appear  as 
in  Polo's  Diana, — Silvano  and  Selvagia,  as  well  as  Firmius 
and  Faustus,  "  rivals  for  the  hand  of  Diana." 

I  had  carefully  compared  the  two  works  and  written 
down  the  passages  in  Texeda  that  were  either  similar  or 
identical  with  those  in  the  Diana  enamorada,  but  it  were  a 
useless  task  to  copy  them  here.  Most  of  the  poetry  is  taken 
from  the  latter  work,  as  the  verses :  "  Goze  el  amador  con- 
tento  "  (p.  132),  which  are  the  quintillas  in  Polo  (p.  178), 
and  the  canciones  (p.  366)  :  "  Morir  deviera  sin  verte," 
and  "  El  Alma  de  alegria  salte,"  which  are  in  Polo  (pp. 
212-213).  But  Texeda  has  doubtless  robbed  others  beside 
Polo.  To  give  but  a  single  instance:  in  Book  x,  p.  322, 
Texeda  prints  a  sonnet  beginning :  "  Tristezas,  si  el  ha- 
zerme  compania,"  which  is  Lope  de  Vega's  ninety-seventh 
sonnet  in  La  Hermosura  de  Angelica,  con  otras  Rimas, 
Madrid,  1602,  fol.  284v. 

It  is  only  in  the  fifth  book  that  Texeda  begins  to  differ 
from  Polo,  and  here  the  story  of  Amaranto  and  Dorotea 
is  imitated  from  Perez.  In  the  sixth  book  Parisiles  re- 
lates the  story  of  the  Cid;  in  the  seventh  is  told  the  story 
of  the  Abencerrages ;  in  the  ninth  the  story  of  Count  Carlos 
and  Lisarde,  and  the  tribute  of  Mauregato. 


THE  DIANA  OF  TEXEDA  9! 

The  entire  first  four  books  of  Texeda,  as  we  have  seen, 
are  a  plagiarism  from  the  work  of  Polo,  and  these  four 
books  are  all  that  are  worth  reading.  Wherever  a  change 
has  been  made,  either  in  the  poetry  or  the  prose  of  Polo,  it 
has  been  for  the  worse.  It  seems  almost  incredible  that  at 
a  time  when  the  Diana  of  Polo  was  so  well  known  and  so 
widely  read,  anyone  should  have  had  the  insolence  to  pub- 
lish so  flagrant  a  theft  as  an  original  work;  and  it  is  no  less 
singular  that  so  palpable  a  fraud  should  have  escaped  the 
critical  acumen  of  a  scholar  like  Ticknor.  The  second  vol- 
ume is  dull  and  tedious  in  the  extreme.  The  fourth  part 
that  is  promised  (p.  393),  never  appeared,  doubtless  be- 
cause there  was  nothing  left  for  Texeda  to  appropriate.1 

1  It  appears  that  another  Tercera  Parte  de  la  Diana  was  written 
by  one  Gabriel  Hernandez,  a  resident  of  Granada,  who,  on  January 
28,  1582,  obtained  the  privilege  to  print  his  work  for  ten  years.  This 
privilege  was  afterwards  sold  to  Bias  de  Robles,  bookseller,  but  the 
book,  for  some  cause  or  other,  was  never  printed.  Menendez  y 
Pelayo,  Origenes  de  la  Novela,  I,  p.  cdxciii. 


THE  '  HABIDAS  '  OF  HIERONIMO  ARBOLANCHE. 

AMONG  the  earliest  of  the  imitations  of  the  Diana  was 
the  Habidas  of  Arbolanche,1  according  to  Gayangos. 
Unlike  the  Diana,  however,  it  is  written  wholly  in  verse, 
which  alone  would  make  it  rather  doubtful  whether  its 
author  took  Montemayor's  romance  as  his  model.  A  brief 
analysis  of  the  Habidas  shows  that  it  is  rather  a  novela 
caballeresca.  "  It  relates  the  story  of  Abido  (hence  the 
name  of  the  romance),  son  of  Gargoris,  King  of  Spain. 
This  son  is  exposed  to  wild  animals  and  subsequently  to 
the  perils  of  the  sea  for  the  purpose  of  getting  rid  of  him. 
He  survives  all  dangers,  however,  and  falls  into  the  hands 
of  a  shepherd,  by  whom  he  is  brought  up.  On  the  death 
of  the  King,  Abido  is  returned  to  his  mother  and  becomes 
King  of  Spain.  While  living  among  his  flocks  he  falls  in 
love  with  a  shepherdess,  which  gives  occasion  to  the  author 
to  introduce  beautiful  descriptions  of  nature.  The  work 
contains  a  number  of  eclogues  and  various  shorter  poems, 
letrillas  and  villancicos,  which  in  sweetness  and  harmony 
are  unsurpassed  by  the  best  verses  of  Montemayor." 2 

1  Los    nueue   Libros    de    las   Hauidas    de    Hieronimo    Arbolanche, 
Poeta   Tudelano.     Dirigidos  a  la  Illustre   Senora  Dona  Adriana  de 
Egues  y  de  Biamonte.    En  Qaragoqa  en  casa  de  luan  Millan.     1566. 
8°. 

2  Ticknor,  Historia  de  la  Literatura  espanola,  traducida  al  castellano, 
con  adiciones  y  notas  criticas  por  D.  Pascual  de  Gayangos  y  D.  En- 
rique de  Vedia,  Madrid,  1854,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  538. 

92 


THE  HABIDAS  OF  HIERONIMO  ARBOLANCHE 


93 


All  that  we  know  of  Arbolanche  1  is  that  he  was  a  native 
of  Tudela,  in  the  province  of  Navarre. 

The  author,  in  his  epistle  to  D.  Melchor  Enrico,  '  su 
Maestro  en  Artes '  is  very  candid  and  modest  concerning 
his  own  poetical  gifts,  while  his  arraignment  of  some  of 
the  Italian  and  Spanish  poets  is  very  amusing.  He  says 
(I  quote  from  Gibson's  tr.)  : 

0  master  mine,  my  will  was  never  free 
To  find  in  printing  books  a  great  delight, 

But  she  who  hath  the  power  hath  ordered  me 
To  bring  this  ill-sung  Book  of  mine  to  light; 

1  grant  I  am  not  versed  in  poesy, 

And  only  know  that  I  know  nothing  right ; 
And  know  as  well  that  many  know  as  little, 
So  care  not,  if  they  praise  me  not,  one  tittle. 

I  never  chanted  on  Parnassus'  height, 

Nor  ever  drank  the  waters  Cabaline: 
What  Octave  is  or  Sextain  beats  me  quite, 

Nor  have  I  dealings  with  the  Muses  nine ; 
Not  mine  the  gift,  like  improvising  wight, 

At  every  step  to  vomit  forth  a  line; 
I  cannot  verses  on  my  fingers  measure, 
Nor  mouth  two  thousand  fooleries  at  pleasure. 

I  do  not  hire  me  sonnets  to  indite 
For  books  that  go  to  press  in  this  our  time: 

I  do  not  ballads  spin  or  tercets  write, 
Nor  have  one  notion  of  impromptu  rhyme : 

With  echo-songs,  in  sooth,  I'm  puzzled  quite, 
To  make  them  to  the  full  note  curtly  chime : 

I  do  not  medleys  make,  nor  things  at  all 

That  may  be  dubbed  with  name  of  Madrigal. 

1  On  the  reverse  of  the  title-page  is  this  inscription : 
"  Ebro  me  produzio,  y  en  flor  me  tiene, 

Mas  my  rayz  de  rio  Calibe  viene." 
Which  Gibson  renders  thus : 

Ebro  produced  me  and  keeps  me  fresh  ever, 
But  my  stock  hath  its  root  on  the  Calibe  river. 
Journey  to  Parnassus,  by   Miguel   de   Cervantes,  tr.   by  James   Y. 
Gibson,  London,  1883,  p.  380. 


94  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

I  cannot  use  strange  words  or  obsolete, 

Nor  am  I  read  in  books  of  chivalry: 
Nor  can  the  names  of  blustering  knights  repeat, 

Nor  tell  the  tale  of  each  stale  victory; 
I  know  not  what  is  meant  by  "  broken  feet," 

For  mine  own  limbs  are  sound  as  sound  can  be; 
I  cannot  make  some  short  and  others  long, 
Some  very  sweet  and  others  very  strong. 

He  is  no  admirer  of  the  Italian  measures  introduced  by 
Boscan : 

"  Nor  do  I  know  to  make  my  pen  renowned 
Upon  my  back  bearing  th'  Italian  theft." 

His  judgment  of  the  great  Catalan  poet  is  very  severe : 

"  Nor  can  I  verses  make  in  Limousine, 

Like  Ausias  Marc,  which  none  can  understand." 

Montemayor  is  treated  without  pity: 

"  Nor  did  I  ever  yet  know  to  translate 

So  badly  as  the  Lusian  did  erewhile, 
Nor  know  I  cancioneros  to  create, 

Mingling  divine  eke  with  the  human  style; 
Nor  to  Diana,  first  or  second  rate, 

This  heavy  hand  of  mine  could  lay  the  file, 
Because  all  this  to  me  seemed  foolery, 
Nor  make  a  '  Grove  of  various  Poesy '." 

He  concludes : 

"  I  do  not  evil  speak  of  men  so  high, 

As  if  I  thought  I  had  sufficient  grace 
To  reach  unto  their  lofty  blasonry, 

Still  less  to  give  myself  a  higher  place; 
But  since  without  much  bitter  raillery 

None  ever  came  off  victors  in  the  race; 
And  since  such  famous  men  their  weird  must  dree, 
What  will  the  dolts  and  envious  make  of  me?" 

It  is  quite  evident,  as  Mr.  Gibson  observes,  that  such  a 
man  was  fair  game  for  the  shafts  of  Cervantes,  and  quite 
as  evident  that  his  rhinoceros  hide  was  impervious  to 


THE  HABIDAS  OF  HIERONIMO  ARBOLANCHE 


95 


any  kind  of  contempt.     Arbolanche  is  pilloried  after  this 
fashion  in  "  The  Journey  to  Parnassus  "  : 

"  On  this  came  whizzing,  like  a  bird  on  high, 

A  Book  in  prose  and  verse,  shot  by  our  foes, 

In  bulk  and  height  a  very  Breviary; 

From  its  extravagance  in  verse  and  prose, 
'Twas  Arbolanche's  work,  we  well  could  guess, 
His  dull  '  Avidas,"  heavy  to  the  close." 

Salva  says  that  he  had  always  mistrusted  the  exaggerated 
criticisms  of  Cervantes,  and  that  this  work  (The  Havidas) 
confirmed  his  suspicions,  for  it  follows  from  his  very  words 
that  Cervantes  had  never  seen  the  book  of  Arbolanche, 
which  does  not  contain  a  line  of  prose,  and  is  a  thin  volume 
in  small  octavo,  and  not  the  ponderous  tome  Cervantes 
makes  it.1  It  is  likely,  as  has  been  suggested,  that  Cer- 
vantes took  the  blank  verse  of  Arbolanche  as  a  kind  of 
disguised  prose;  at  all  events  he  seems  to  have  had  a  score 
to  settle  with  the  Navarrese  bard  and  he  did  it.  That  the 
verse  of  Arbolanche,  however,  deserves  the  favorable  criti- 
cism of  Gayangos,  is  shown  by  the  following  excerpts, 
which  fairly  illustrate  his  style : 

Condon. 

Partirme  quiero,  zagala 
Partirme  quiero  de  vos; 
Mi  zagala,  a  Dios,  a  Dios. 

A   Dios,   monies,   a  Dios,   prados, 
A  Dios,  bosques  y  selva  fria; 
Que  los  lirios  que  aqui  habia 
En  abrojos  son  tornados, 
En  ausencia  mis  cuidados 
Partiendome  yo  de  vos ; 
Mi  zagala,  a  Dios,  a.  Dios. 

Dexo  las  cabrillas  mias 

Y  el  ganado  en  grande  pena 

1  Cat&logo,  Vol.  II,  p.  18.  Arbolanche  also  wrote  a  laudatory  son- 
net prefixed  to  the  Clara  Diana  a  lo  Divino  of  Bartolome  Ponce,  pub- 
lished at  Epila  in  1580.  Ibid.,  No.  1944. 


96  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

AI  calor  y  a  la  berbena 
For  essas  silvas  sombrias; 
Voy  a  ver  sus  agonias, 
Partiendome  yo  de  vos ; 
Mi  zagala,  a  Dios,  a  Dios.1 

Condon. 

Soltaronse  mis  cabellos, 
Madre  mia, 
j  Ay !  ^con  que  me  los  prenderia? 

Dicenme  que  prendo  a  tantos, 
Madre  mia,  con  mis  cabellos, 
Que  ternia  por  bien  prendellos, 
Y  no  dar  pena  y  quebrantos; 
Pero  por  quitar  de  espantos, 
Madre  mia, 
(jjAy!    con  que  me  los  prenderia?2 

Cancion. 

Ai  Dios  !  que  cosa  vana 
Querer  enamorarme 
Pues  ya  no  hai  desviarme 
De  ti,  Undo,  Adriana. 

Si  de  todas  las  nacidas 
Me  diesen  a  escoger, 
Y  las  aun  por  nacer 
Me  fuesen  ofrecidas, 
Ai  Dios !  que  cosa  vana 
Seria  enamorarme, 
Pues  ya  no  hai  desviarme 
De  ti,  linda  Adriana. 

Por  ti  en  la  noche  oscura 
Yo  pierdo  el  duke  sueno, 
Por  ti  con  grande  desdeno 
Queje  yo  de  mi  ventura; 
Tu  imagen  soberana 
Del  todo  pudo  atarme, 
Y  asi  no  hai  desviarme 
De  ti,  linda  Adriana. 

1Ticknor,  Hist,  of  Spanish  Lit.,  tr.  by  Gayangos,  III,  p.  538;  Gal- 
lardo,  Ensayo,  I,  col.  259.     L.  13  Gallardo  reads :  serena. 
2Ticknor,  History,  tr.  Gayangos,  III,  p.  538. 


THE  HABIDAS  OF  HIERONIMO  ARBOLANCHE 

En  prados  y  en  oteros 
Tu  nombre  he  yo  cantado, 
De  mi  se  ban  apiadado 
Los  animales  fieros; 
Mi  anima  malsana 
Pudiste  tu  robarme, 
Y  ya  no  hai  desviarme 
De  ti,  Undo  Adriana.1 

Cancion. 

Caudaloso  y  fresco  rio, 
Tanto  mal  no  mereci, 
Siempre  honre  tus  claras  aguas 
Y  honrare  mas  desde  aqui. 
Ai,  de  ti!  mas  ai,  de  mi! 

Siempre  honre  todas  tus  ninfas 
Cuantas  en  tus  prados  vi, 
Siempre  de  tus  verdes  ramos 
Los  mis  cabellos  ceni, 
Ai,  de  ti!  mas  ai,  de  mi! 

^•Como,  dime,  consentiste 
Que  se  fue  y  yo  no  me  fue, 
Aquel  que  con  sus  canciones 
Tu  ribera  alegro  asi? 
Ai,  de  ti!  mas  ai,  de  mi! 

Aquel  que  con  su  zampona 
Las  fieras  atraia  a  si, 
AI  son  de  la  cual  mil  vezes 
En  sus  haldas  me  adormi, 
Ai,  de  ti!  mas  ai,  de  mi! 

Abido,  los  tus  ganados 
Como  paceran  sin  ti? 
Como  cantaran  las  ninfas? 
Dimelo,  mi  Abido,  di. 
Ai,  de  mi!  mas  ai,  de  ti! 

;Porque,  dime,  en  tu  partida 
Yo  triste  no  me  parti? 
Y  ;  porque  si  tu  eres  muerto 
No  me  muero  desde  aqui? 
Ai,  de  ti!  mas  ai,  de  mi!  2 

1  Salva,  Cat&logo,  II,  p.  19.  2  Ibid.,  p.  19. 


97 


THE  "  TEN  BOOKS  OF  THE  FORTUNE  OF  LOVE." 
BY  ANTONIO  DE  LO  FRASSO. 

The  next  work  in  what  may  be  called  the  cycle  of  the 
Diana  was  the  Ten  Books  of  the  Fortune  of  Love?  by 
Antonio  de  lo  Frasso,  a  Sardinian  soldier,  and  was  first 
published  at  Barcelona  in  1573.  This  is  the  book  that  Cer- 
vantes characterizes  as  the  most  absurd  book  ever  written, 
and  though  his  genial  and  kindly  nature  was  inclined  to 
judge  his  contemporaries  only  too  leniently,  he  is,  for  some 
unknown  reason,  especially  severe  upon  Lo  Frasso,  al- 
though it  appears  that  he  fought  with  Cervantes  against 
the  Turks,  and  was  present  at  Lepanto,  on  that  memorable 
seventh  of  October,  1571  (Vol.  II,  p.  147). 

"  This  book,"  said  the  barber,  opening  another,  "  is  the 
Ten  Books  of  the  Fortune  of  Love,  written  by  Antonio  lo 
Frasso,  a  Sardinian  poet."  "  By  the  orders  I  have  re- 
ceived," said  the  curate,  "  since  Apollo  has  been  Apollo, 
and  the  Muses  have  been  Muses,  and  poets  have  been 
poets,  so  droll  and  absurd  a  book  as  this  has  never  been 
written,  and  in  its  way  it  is  the  best  and  the  most  singular 
of  all  of  this  species  that  have  as  yet  appeared,  and  he  who 
has  not  read  it  may  be  sure  he  has  never  read  what  is  de- 

1  Los  dies  Libras  de  la  Fortuna  d'Amor  compuestos  por  Antonio  de 
lo  Frasso  militar,  Sardo,  de  la  Ciudad  de  Lalguer,  donde  hallaran  los 
honest os  y  apazibles  amores  del  Pastor  Frexano,  y  de  la  hermosa 
Pastora  Fortuna,  co  mucha  variedad  de  inuenciones  poeticas  histori- 
adas.  Y  la  sabrosa  historia  de  don  Florida,  y  de  la  past  or  a  Argen- 
tina. Y  una  inuencion  de  justas  Reales,  y  tres  triumphos  de  damas\. 
Impresso  en  Barcelona,  En  casa  de  Pedro  Malo  Impressor.  [1573.] 
8°.  I  have  used  the  reprint  in  two  volumes,  London,  1740. 


TEN  BOOKS  OF  THE  FORTUNE  OF  LOVE 


99 


lightful.  Give  it  here,  gossip,  for  I  make  more  account  of 
having  found  it  than  if  they  had  given  me  a  cassock  of 
Florence  stuff.1 

It  is  almost  incredible  that  a  Spaniard,  and  one  of  the 
editors  of  Lord  Carteret's  Don  Quixote,  should  take  the 
irony  of  the  curate  as  a  sincere  expression  of  opinion. 
This  praise,  however,  is  one  of  the  reasons  assigned  by 
Pedro  de  Pineda,  the  editor,  for  republishing  it  in  Eng- 
land. But,  if  it  were  possible  to  be  deceived  by  the  words 
in  Don  Quixote,  a  perusal  of  the  following  lines  in  the 
Journey  to  Parnassus,  should  have  dispelled  all  doubt  as  to 
the  opinion  of  Cervantes : 

"  Look  now  if  in  the  galley  ye  can  see 

Some  wretched  bard,  who  may  perchance  by  right 

A  fitting  victim  for  the  monsters  be ! " 
They  found  him  in  that  man,  Lofraso  hight, 

Sardinian  martial  poet,  who  now  lay 

Curled  in  a  corner,  and  in  dismal  plight; 
In  his  "  Ten  Books  of  Fortune  "  all  the  day 

Immersed ;  to  add  yet  other  ten  to  these 

He  strove,  to  while  the  idle  hours  away; 
Cried  all  the  crew  as  one:  "Lofraso  seize! 

Down  vvith  him  to  the  deep,  and  leave  him  there!" 

"  Perdy,"  cried  Mercury,  "  I  do  not  please ! 
What !     Can  my  soul  the  heavy  burden  bear 

Of  casting  to  the  sea  such  poesy, 

Although  its  foaming  wrath  demands  our  care? 
Long  live  Lofraso,  while  the  day  we  see 

Spring  from  Apollo's  light,  and  men  can  smile 

And  hold  as  wisdom  sprightly  fantasy! 
To  thee  belong,  Lofraso  without  guile, 

The  epithets  of  subtle  and  sincere, 

My  '  I  oatswain '  henceforth  be  thy  name  and  style !  " 
Thus  said  Mercurius  to  our  cavalier, 

Who  in  the  gangway  quick  assumed  his  grade, 

Armed  with  a  rattan,  cutting  and  severe; 

1  Don  Quixote,  I,  Chap.  vi.    Ormsby's  tr. 


100  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Of  his  own  verse,  I  fancy,  it  was  made, 

And  in  a  twinkling,  how  I  do  not  know, 

Whether  by  Heaven's  or  Lofraso's  aid, 
On  through  the  strait  we  safe  and  sound  did  go, 

Without  immersing  any  poet  there; 

Such  strength  lay  in  the  good  Sardinian's  blow."  J 

Of  Lo  Frasso's  life  scarcely  anything  seems  to  be  known 
beyond  what  he  tells  us  on  the  title-page  of  this  volume.2 
From  another  work,  written  two  years  earlier,  in  1571, 
and  in  which  the  author  informs  us  that  he  is  writing  it 
in  the  "  middle  of  the  raging  Gulf  of  Leon,"  we  learn  that 
he  had  two  sons,  Alfonso  and  Cipion  de  lo  Frasso,  who 
were  then,  apparently,  living  in  Barcelona.3  Here,  too, 
his  pastoral  romance  was  written.  The  work  is  composed 
principally  of  poetry,  it  being  evidently  a  much  easier  task 
for  the  Sardinian  bard  to  put  his  thoughts  into  generally 
bad  verse,  than  into  good  prose.  His  shepherds  and  shep- 
herdesses, moreover,  must  have  been  gifted  with  a  vigor  of 
constitution  and  a  power  of  endurance  far  beyond  that  of 
the  ordinary  representative  of  that  weary  class.  Their 
songs  are  often  continued  through  ten  or  fifteen  pages 
without  any  apparent  sign  of  exhaustion;  once,  in  the  first 
book,  Frexano,4  the  hero,  beginning  his  song  on  page 

1  Gibson's  translation,  pp.  87-89. 

2  Nicolas   Antonio,   Bibliotheca   Nova,   II,   p.   356,   says :    "  Antonio 
Lof  rasso,    Sardus,    Algueriensis,    peota    infimi    subsellii,    edidit :    Diez 
Libros    de   Fortuna.     Barcinone,    1573.     Quod   opus    risu   excipit    D. 
Thomas  Tamajus  in  '  Collectione  librorum  Hispanorum':  atque  item 
autorem  inter  eos,  qui  nullo  subnixi  Apolline,  ac  Musarum  ingratiis 
operam  versibus  dedere,  velut  aliorum  coriphaeum  nominat,  nasoque 
suspendit  Michael  de  Cervantes  Saavedra  in  metrico  suo  opere  Viage 
del  Parnaso  nuncupate." 

Frasso   (Antonio  de  lo).     Comienfa  la  Carta  quel  Autor  enbia  a 
sus  Hijos  y  los  mil  y  dozientos  Consejos  y  Avisos  discretos.     [Bar- 
celona, 1571  ?]     See  Salva,  Catdlogo,  II,  No.  2069. 
4  Under  this  name,  as  Clemencin  surmised,  is  concealed  the  name 


TEN  BOOKS  OF  THE  FORTUNE  OF  LOVE     IOi 

twenty,  and  singing  until  the  thirty-seventh  page, — the 
author  says:  "  The  shepherd  growing  weary  of  singing  oc- 
tavas,  now  changed  his  tune,  and  sang  the  following  terce- 
tos."  The  scene  of  the  first  five  books  is  laid  in  Sardinia, 
near  Lalguer,  that  of  the  remaining  five  in  Barcelona. 

The  first  book  opens  with  a  carta  from  Frexano  "  to 
his  dear  shepherdess  Fortuna,"  followed  by  two  sonnets 
and  two  canciones,  then  the  letter  is  carried  by  Florineo, 
who  sings  a  cancion  while  on  his  way.  In  the  second  book, 
Frexano  makes  a  journey  to  Parnassus.  The  nine  Muses 
appear,  whom  he  addresses  in  verse,  Minerva  replying. 
This  is  followed  by  some  curious  verses,  in  which  "  hab- 
lan  las  potencias  del  cuerpo  humano."  First  the  tongue 
speaks,  followed  by  the  eyes,  then  the  soul,  the  heart,  the 
feelings,  memory,  thought,  the  will,  affection,  etc.,  finally 
ignorance,  discretion,  wisdom,  married  women,  the  widow, 
and  last  of  all  Amor.  In  the  third  book  Frexano  suffers 
the  most  frightful  pangs  of  despised  love,  which  ebb  out 
in  a  canto  that  is  continued  for  twelve  pages.  The  fourth 
book  contains  a  long  poem  in  praise  of  Lalguer  and  its 
beautiful  ladies,  where  Frexano  meets  his  father  and 
mother.  The  seventh  book  is  not  without  interest,  as  it 
describes  the  festivities  attending  the  marriage  in  Barcelona 
of  Dona  Mencia  Faxardo  y  Cuniga,  daughter  of  D.  Luys 
de  Qiniga  y  Requesens,  under  whom,  apparently,  Lo 
Frasso  served  at  Lepanto  on  October  7,  1571  (Vol.  II,  p. 
147).  The  seventh  book  also  contains  a  long  Triumpho 
in  praise  of  fifty  ladies  of  Barcelona,  in  imitation  of  the 
Canto  de  Orfeo  of  Montemayor  and  the  Canto  de  Turia 
of  Gil  Polo.  In  the  eighth  book  he  relates  the  history  of 
"  Don  Floricio  and  the  beautiful  shepherdess  Augustina," 

of  the  author,  Lofraso,  which  in  the  Sardinian  dialect  =•  el  fresno,  the 
Ash  tree.  Indeed,  he  tells  us  that  Frexano  was  born  in  Lalguer  (i.  e. 
Alguer  =  Alghero  in  the  northwestern  part  of  Sardinia). 


102  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

in  which  a  cancion  consisting  of  ninety-five  stanzas  is  sung 
by  Augustina.  The  whole  work  is  absurd  and  perhaps 
nobody  has  read  it  through  since  Pedro  Pineda  corrected 
the  proofs.1 

A  sonnet,  "  en  lengua  montanese  Sardesca,"  may  find  a 
place  here : 

Cando  si  det  finite  custu  ardente 
Fogu  qui  su  coro  gia  mat  bruxadu, 
Cun  sanima  misquina  qui  su  fiadu, 
Mi  mancat  vistu  non  poto  niente. 

Chiaru  Sole  &  Luna  relugente, 
Prite  mi  tenes  tristu  abandonadu, 
Pusti  prode  vivu  atribuladu, 
Dami  calqui  remediu  prestamente, 
Tue  sola  mi  podes  remediare 
Et  dare  mi  sa  vida  in  custa  hora, 
Qui  non  morja  privu  de  sa  vitoria, 
In  eternu  ti  depo  abandonare, 
O  belissima  dea  &  senyora, 
De  me  sa  vida  &  morte  pena  y  gloria. 

(Vol.  I,  p.  284.) 

The  doughty  bard,  it  seems,  had  no  very  exalted  opinion 
of  the  weaker  sex,  to  judge  from  the  following  song, 
which  he  puts  into  the  mouth  of  Florineo : 

No  pongas  el  pensamiento, 
Pasqual,  jamas  en  muger, 
Qu-en  pago  de  tu  querer 
Te  dara  pena  y  tormento. 

Tiene  tal  naturaleza 
La  que  quiere  ser  servida, 
Si  la  quieres  qual  tu  vida 
Te  consume  de  tristeza. 

xAt  the  end  of  the  second  volume  is  this  advertisement:  "This 
individual  Book  is  one  of  the  greatest  Rarities  in  the  Spanish  Tongue; 
being  almost  as  hard  to  find  as  the  Philosopher's  Stone.  Mr.  Peter 
Pineda,  the  Spanish  Master,  has  tried  all  Sorts  of  Methods  to  get  it 
for  Five  and  twenty  Years.  Cervantes  gives  it  the  highest  Character 
in  the  World.  Lib.  I,  Cap.  6." 


103 


TEN  BOOKS  OF  THE  FORTUNE  OF  LOVE 

En  pocas  veras  firmeza, 
Mudanse  muy  mas  qu-el  viento, 
Qu-en  pago  de  tu  querer 
Te  daran  pena  y  tormento. 

Ni  de  veras,  ni  burlando, 
No  buries  jamas  con  ellas, 
Viudas,  casadas,  donzellas, 
Dexalas  por  no  yr  penando : 

Porque  siempre  variando, 

Las  veo  hazer  mudamiento, 

Qu-en  pago  de  tu  querer, 

Te  daran  pena  y  tormento,  etc.        (Vol.  I,  p.  n.) 


THE  "  FILIDA  "  OF  MONTALVO. 

A  MUCH  better  romance  appeared  in  1582  at  Madrid  in 
the  "  Shepherd  of  Filida  "  of  Luis  Galvez  de  Montalvo.1 
Of  the  author's  birth-place  or  life  we  know  little  more 
than  what  he  tells  us  in  this  book.  Speaking  under  the 
name  of  Siralvo,  he  says  (p.  112,  ed.  of  1792)  that  he  is 
not  a  native  of  the  banks  of  the  Tagus,  but  that  his  an- 
cestors pastured  their  flocks  by  the  Adaja,  and  that  they 
removed  thence  to  the  Henares,  upon  the  banks  of  which 
he  was  brought  up,  "  i  de  alii,  por  favorable  estrella,  bevo 
las  aguas  del  Tajo."  z 

Montalvo  was  attached  to  the  house  of  Infantado,  the 
lords  of  which  had  their  principal  residence  in  Guadalajara. 
In  the  '  Carta  dedicatoria '  to  his  patron,  Don  Enrique  de 
Mendoga  y  Aragon  (the  Mendino  of  the  romance),  he 
says :  "  Among  the  f  ortunates  who  know  you  and  entertain 

1  According  to  Menendez  Pelayo  there  is  a  mutilated  copy  of  this 
excessively  rare  first  edition  in  the  library  of  the  Spanish  Academy. 
The  censura  is  dated  Madrid,  June  2,  1581.     Other  editions  appeared 
at  Lisbon,  1589;  Madrid,  1590  and  1600;  Barcelona,  1613,  and  Valencia, 
1792.     There  are  some  laudatory  verses  by  Luis  Galvez  de  Montalvo 
prefixed  to  La  Vida,  el  Martyrio,  etc.  .  .  .  de  los  gloriosos  ninos  Mar- 
tyres  son  lusto   y   Pastor,   by   Ambrosio   de    Morales,   published    at 
Alcala,  in  1568.     Salva,  Catalog o,  Vol.  I,  No.  299. 

2  The  town  on  the  banks  of  the  Adaja,   Menendez  y  Pelayo  con- 
jectures to  be  Arevalo,  and  also  surmises  that  a  baptismal  register 
of  Luis,  son  of  Marcos  de  Montalvo  and  his  wife  Francisca,  born  in 
1549,  refers  to  our  author.     The  father  of  Siralvo,  called  Montano 
in  the  romance,  was  "  mayoral  del  generoso  rabadan  Coriano,"  i.  e. 
steward  or  something  similar  to  the  Marquis  of  Coria.     Origenes  de 
la  Novela,  I.  p.  cdxcix. 

104 


THE  FILIDA  OF  MONTALVO 

friendly  relations  with  you,  I  have  been  one,  and  indeed, 
one  of  the  most  fortunate;  for  desiring  to  serve  you,  my 
wish  was  fulfilled,  and  thus  I  left  my  house  and  other 
famous  ones  where  I  was  requested  to  remain,  and  came 
to  this,  where  I  shall  be  pleased  to  die  and  where  my  great- 
est labor  is  to  be  idle,  contented  and  honored  as  your  ser- 
vant." 

In  1587  there  appeared  at  Toledo1  Montalvo's  trans- 
lation into  Castilian  of  Le  Lagrime  di  San  Pietro  by  Luigi 
Tansillo,  a  Neapolitan  gentleman  who  served  D.  Pedro  de 
Toledo,  Marques  de  Villafranca,  to  whom  Garcilasso  dedi- 
cated his  first  eclogue.  The  latter  mentions  Tansillo  among 
other  Italian  versifiers,  in  his  twenty-fourth  sonnet  to  Dona 
'Isabel  de  Cardona.2  According  to  Lope  de  Vega,  in  the 
prologue  to  his  Isidro,  Montalvo  passed  the  latter  years  of 
his  life  in  Italy.  Speaking  of  Castillejo  he  says :  "  a  quien 
(i.  e.  Castillejo)  parecia  mucho  Luis  Galuez  Montaluo, 
con  cuya  muerte  subita  se  perdieron  muchas  floridas  coplas 
de  este  genero,  particularmente  la  traducion  de  la  lerusalem 
de  Torquato  Tasso,  que  parece,  que  se  auia  ydo  a  Italia  a 
escriuirlas  para  meterles  las  higas  en  los  ojos.".  Again, 
in  La  Viuda  valenciana,  a  comedia  written  before  1603,  we 
read  : 

Leonardo.    Quien  es  este? 

Oton.  Es  el   Pastor 

de  Filida. 
Leonardo.  Ya  lo  se. 

1  In  the  Primera  Parte  del  Tesoro  de  divina  Poesia.  .  .  .  Recopilado 
por  Esteuan  de  Villalobos.     En  Toledo,  en  casa  de  Juan  Rodriguez, 
Ano  1587.    El  Llanto  de  San  Pedro  is  now  accessible  in  the  Floresta 
of  Bohl  von  Faber,  Vol.  Ill,  No.  707,  and  in  the  Romancero  y  Can- 
cionero  Sagrados  of  D.  Justo  de  Sancha,  in  the  Bib.  de  Aut.  Esp., 
No.  668. 

2  See  Don  Quixote,  ed.  Clemencin,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  14. 


I06  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Oton.  Y  Galuez  Montaluo  fue 

con  graue  ingenio  su  autor. 
Con  Abito  de  San  Juan 
murio  en  la  mar.  .  .  -1 

In  his  Laurel  de  Apolo  he  tells  us  that  Montalvo  met  his 
death  "en  la  puente  de  Sicilia."  This  expression,  Cle- 
mencin  says,  must  allude  to  some  event  well  known  at  the 
time,  and  agrees  fully  with  the  incident  related  by  Fr. 
Diego  de  Haedo  in  the  "  Dedication  "  of  his  Topografia  de 
Argel:  "Era  (dice  por  los  afios  de  1591)  Virei  de  Sicilia 
el  Sr.  D.  Diego  Enriquez  de  Guzman,  Conde  de  Alba  de 
Liste,  el  cual  habiendo  salido  de  Palermo  a  visitar  aquel 
reino,  a  la  vuelta,  como  venia  en  galeras,  hizo  la  cuidad 
una  puente  desde  tierra  que  se  alargaba  a  la  mar  mas  de 
cien  pies,  para  que  alii  abordase  la  popa  de  la  galera  donde 
venia  el  Seiior  Virei,  y  desembarcase :  y  como  Palermo  es 
la  corte  del  reino,  acudio  lo  mas  granado  a  este  recibimiento 
.  .  .  y  con  la  mucha  gente  que  cargo,  antes  que  abordase 
la  galera  dio  el  puente  a  la  banda,  de  manera  que  cayeron 
en  el  mar  mas  de  quinientas  personas  .  .  .  donde  se  ane- 
garon  mas  de  treinta  hombres."  As  Clemencin  adds: 
"  Una  de  ellas  debio  de  ser  el  Pastor  de  Filida."  3 

As  Menendez  Pelayo  has  justly  remarked,  "  the  Shep- 

1  Comedias,  Parte  XIV,  Madrid,  1621,  fol.  107,  col.  i. 

2  Y  que  viva  en  el  Templo  de  la  Fama 
Aunque  muerto  en  la  puente  de  Sicilia, 
Aquel  Pastor  de  Filida  famoso 
Galuez  Montaluo,  que  la  embidia  aclama 
Por  uno  de  la  Delfica  familia 
Dignisimo  del  arbol  vitorioso : 
Mayormente  cantando 
En  lagrimas  deshechos, 
Ojos  a  gloria  de  mis  ojos  hechos. 

Laurel  de  Apolo,  ed.  1630,  fol.  35v. 

3  Don  Quixote,  ed.  Clemencin,  Madrid,  1833,  Vol.  I,  p.  147,  note. 


THE  FILIDA  OF  MONTALVO 


107 


herd  of  Filida  is  one  of  the  best-written  of  the  pastoral 
romances,  though  the  least  bucolic  of  them  all."  In  the  ex- 
amination of  Don  Quixote's  library,  the  curate  had  ob- 
served :  "  The  one  that  comes  next  is  '  The  Shepherd  of 
Filida.'  That  is  not  a  shepherd,  said  the  curate,  but  a 
highly-polished  courtier;  let  it  be  preserved  as  a  precious 
jewel."  x  Montalvo  and  Cervantes  were  friends  of  long 
standing,  and  mention  each  other  with  praise  in  their 
works,2  and  from  the  fact  that  both  were  brought  up  on 
the  banks  of  the  Henares,  it  has  been  conjectured  that  they 
had  known  each  other  from  youth,  and  that  they  were  of 
about  the  same  age.  Of  this,  however,  we  have  no  proof. 
It  is  probable  that  the  Filida  was  written  a  number  of 
years  before  it  appeared  in  print.  We  have  seen  that  Mon- 
talvo was  known  as  a  poet  as  early  as  1568,  and  it  is  pos- 
sible that  his  pastoral  romance  was  written  not  long  after 
that  date.  In  the  Filida,  as  in  most  works  of  this  character, 
well-known  persons  appear  in  the  disguise  of  shepherds, 
thus  sacrificing  the  pastoral  tone,  for  there  is  certainly 
very  little  that  is  bucolic  about  the  ordinary  occupations 
of  Montalvo  and  his  friends,  as  they  are  here  depicted. 
The  poet  appears  under  the  name  Siralvo,  Mendino  is 

1  Don  Quixote,  Part  I,  Chap.  vi.     To  the  friendship  subsisting  be- 
tween  Montalvo  and   Cervantes  is   doubtless   due,   in   part,   this  very 
favorable  criticism  of  the  Filida.    Cervantes  has  introduced  Montalvo 
in  his  Galatea  under  the  name  of  Siralvo. 

2  Cervantes,  in  his  Galatea,  in  the  "  Canto  de  Caliope,"  says : 

Quien  pudiera  loaros,  mis  pastores, 

Un  pastor  vuestro,  amado  y  conocido, 

Pastor  mejor  de  quantos  son  mejores, 

Que  de  Filida  tiene  el  apellido ! 

La  habilidad,  la  ciencia,  los  primores, 

El  rare  ingenio,  y  el  valor  subido 

De  Luis  de  Montalvo  le  aseguran 

Gloria  y  honor  mientras  los  cielos  duran.       (Book  VI.) 


I08  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Don  Enrique  de  Mendoza  y  Aragon,  his  Maecenas;  Tirsi, 
el  culto  Tirsi,  is  Francisco  de  Figueroa;  Pradelio  is  con- 
jectured to  be  Don  Luis  Ramon  Folch  de  Cardona,  Conde 
de  Prades ; *  the  Arciolo  of  Book  I,  "  que  con  tan  heroica 
vena  canta  del  Aranco  los  famosos  hechos  "  (p.  154),  is 
Alonso  de  Ercilla,  and  the  Campiano  is  Dr.  Campuzano, 
while  Silvano  is  Gregorio  Silvestre.  The  shepherdess  Be- 
lisa,  daughter  of  the  very  learned  Lusitanian  Coello  (p. 
59),  who  was  a  portrait  painter  (p.  122),  is  Dona  Isabel 
Sanchez  Coello,  daughter  of  Alonso  Sanchez  Coello  (Or- 
igenes,  I,  p.  dvii).  Under  a  slight  pastoral  disguise  Mon- 
talvo  (Siralvo)  relates  the  story  of  his  love  for  Filida,  and 
that  of  his  Maecenas  for  Elisa.  The  scene  is  laid  on  the 
banks  of  the  Tagus,  perhaps  in  Toledo,  as  Menendez  Pelayo 
surmises.  The  incidents  of  the  story  are  briefly  as  follows : 
Mendino,  a  shepherd  living  on  the  banks  of  the  Tagus, 
is  enamoured  of  Elisa,  "  de  antigua  y  clara  generacion  " 
and  of  beauty  beyond  compare.  Mendino  is,  however, 
secretly  loved  by  Filis,  a  beautiful  nymph  of  the  Tagus. 
One  day,  as  Elisa,  Filis,  Cloris,  Mendino  and  Galafron 
were  sitting  by  a  fountain  amusing  themselves  with  song, 
they  are  joined  by  the  shepherds  Bruno  and  Turino.  And 
now  Padelio,  the  noble  and  prosperous  rabadan  having 
died,  there  came  to  inherit  his  flocks  his  brother  Padileo, 
"  a  gallant  and  discreet  youth,"  who  of  course  falls  in  love 
with  Elisa,  "  greatly  to  the  annoyance  of  Mendino  and  no 
less  to  Elisa."  Elisa  now  writes  a  long  letter  to  Mendino, 

1  See  the  learned  introduction  of  D.  Juan  Antonio  Mayans  y  Siscar 
to  El  Pastor  de  Filida  compuesto  por  Luis  Galvez  de  Montalvo,  Gentil- 
Hombre  Cortesano.  Valencia,  1792.  He  gives  a  long  list  of  works 
written  in  the  manner  of  the  Diana  of  Montemayor,  many  of  which, 
however,  are  not  pastoral  romances.  Mayans  also  mentions  a  pas- 
toral by  Francisco  Rodrigues  Lobo,  in  three  parts,  A  Primavera,  O 
Pastor  peregrino  and  O  Desenganado.  They  are  written  in  Por- 
tuguese, and  compare  favorably  with  the  best  of  the  Spanish  romances. 


THE  FILIDA  OF  MONTALVO 

appointing  a  meeting-place.  Here,  one  night,  the  latter  is 
seen  by  the  jealous  Padileo,  who,  without  more  ado,  asks 
the  "  beautiful  and  discreet  Albanisa,  widow  of  Mendineo  " 
to  become  his  wife.  The  thread  of  the  story  now  grows 
somewhat  involved, — Mendino,  Corydon  and  Filardo  visit 
the  cave  of  the  magician  Sincero,  who  foretells  Elisa's 
death;  the  latter  dies  as  predicted  and  Mendino  sings  a 
dirge  to  her.  The  book  closes  with  the  couplet : 


"  El  mal  que  el  tiempo  hace, 
El  tiempo  le  suele  curar." 


Alfeo,  a  shepherd  lying  upon  the  ground  singing,  is  over- 
heard by  Finea.  Alfeo  asks  her  whether  she  be  not  "  a 
stranger  and  in  love,"  to  which  she  replies :  "  You  might 
see  this  without  asking  me,  by  my  dress,  for  one  thing, 
i  en  mi  piedad,  por  otra."  Alfeo  is  now  informed  that 
there  is  to  be  a  general  gathering  of  shepherds,  "  to  honor 
the  ashes  of  Elisa."  They  meet  other  shepherds  and  jour- 
ney to  the  spot,  where  they  find  Sasio,  Filardo,  Arsiano  and 
the  shepherdess  Belisa,  "  hija  del  doctissimo  Lusitano 
Coelio,  los  quatros  mas  aventajados  en  musica,  i  canto,  que 
en  las  Espanolas  riberas  se  hallavan  "  (p.  59).  Belisa  and 
Sasio  sing  a  cantar.  In  the  plain  stood  a  lofty  pyramid 
of  rich  marble  "  covered  almost  wholly  by  ivy  and 
branches."  Alfesibeo  sings  an  elegy,  "  interrupted  at  times 
by  the  most  tender  sighs."  As  Pradelio  now  arrives  (llegio 
cansado),  a  young,  robust  shepherd,  "  de  mas  bondad  que 
hacienda,"  Finea  beams  upon  him,  whereupon  the  jealous 
Filardo,  "  with  features  distorted  by  the  power  of  love, 
and  his  brow  covered  with  perspiration,"  arose  and  left, 
"  but  Pradelio  paid  no  heed  to  this."  Alfeo  now  sings  a 
touching  song,  which  moves  all  the  listeners;  Sileno,  how- 
ever, "  the  venerable  father  of  the  deceased  Elisa,"  com- 
mands the  music  cease,  and  proposes  a  wrestling  match 


HO  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

between  the  shepherds,  followed  by  running,  leaping  and 
"  tirar  la  barra,"  after  which  Galafron,  "  the  tender  and 
true  lover  of  the  deceased  Elisa,"  sings  some  sad  verses 
and  the  shepherds  separate. 

At  the  opening  of  the  third  book  (or  Parte,  as  it  is 
called)  Finea  and  Alfeo  visit  Siralvo.  Directly  they  hear 
a  flute  and  Siralvo  sings  the  following  rimas : 

Ojos  a  gloria  de  mis  ojos  hechos, 
Beldad  inmensa  en  ojos  abreviada, 
Royos  que  elais  los  mas  ardientes  pechos, 
Yelos  que  derretis  la  nieve  elada  : 
Mares  mansos  de  amor,  bravos  estrechos ; 
Amigos,  enemigos  en  celada, 
Bolveos  a  mi,  pues  solo  con  mirarme 
Podeis  verme,  i  oirme,  i  ayudarme. 

Si  me  mirais,  vereis  en  mi,  primero, 
Quanto  con  Vos  amor  hace,  i  deshace; 
Si  me  escuchais,  y  oireis  decir  que  muero, 
Y  que  es  la  vida  que  me  satisface; 
Si  me  ayudais,  lo  que  pretendo,  i  quiero, 
Que  es  alabaros,  f acil  se  me  hace : 
En  tan  altas  empressas  alumbradme, 
Mis  Ojos,  vedme,  oidme,  i  ayudadme.  ...          (p.  99.) 

Filardo,  the  rival  of  Pradelio,  now  appears  and  up- 
braids Finea,  saying :  "  ungrateful  one,  what  seest  thou  in 
Pradelio  more  than  in  me?  "  Strangely  enough,  Finea  asks 
him  to  sing,  to  which  Filardo  says :  "  And  canst  thou  ask 
me  to  sing,  seeing  that  I  am  dying?  "  "  Then  do  as  the 
swan  does  "  (pues  haz  como  el  cisne}  said  Finea.  Taking 
up  his  lyre,  Filardo,  "  with  three  thousand  sighs,"  begins 
to  sing  (sac and o  la  lira,  con  tres  mil  sospiros  Filardo  co- 
menzo  a  decir}.  Siralvo,  who  is  enamored  of  Filida,  goes 
to  the  gardens  of  Vandalio,  where  Filida  resides.  Here 
he  meets  her  friend  Florela,  and  reads  to  her  a  poetical  por- 
trait (retrato  en  versos')  and  the  following  sonnet: 


THE  FILIDA  OF  MONTALVO  m 

"  Divino  rostro,  en  quien  esta  sellado 
El  postrer  punto  del  primor  del  suelo, 
Pues  de  aquel,  en  quien  tanto  puso  el  cielo, 
Tanto  el  pincel  humano  ha  trasladado. 

Rostro  divino,  fuiste  retratado 
Del  que  natura  fabrico  de  yelo, 

0  del  que  amor  passando  el  mortal  velo, 
Con  vivo  fuego,  en  mi  dejo  estampado. 

Divino  rostro,  el  alma  que  encendiste, 

1  los  ojos  que  elaste  en  tu  figura, 
For  ti  responden,  i  por  ellos  creo. 

Rostro  divino,  que  de  entrambos  fuiste 
Sacado,  en  condicion,  i  en  hermosura, 
Pues  tiemblo,  i  ardo,  el  punto  que  te  veo."       (P.  127.) 

Siralvo  now  proceeds  to  Alfeo's  cabin,  who  complains  of 
the  ungrateful  Andrea,  and  thus,  "  while  listening  to  the 
birds  and  to  the  gentle  stream,  with  their  cheeks  resting  on 
their  hands,  they  fall  asleep."  Afterwards  the  shepherds 
visit  the  temple  of  Pan,  where  they  meet  Filida,  and  do  not 
forget  to  eat  and  drink.  Upon  a  large  tablet  they  find 
"  las  leyes  pastorales,"  and  also  "  the  art  of  making  cheese, 
butter  and  other  matters  of  more  or  less  importance  "  (p. 
162).  Filida  now  sings  a  song,  so  beautiful  "  that  the  birds 
were  hushed,  the  wind  ceased,  the  fountain  stopped,  and  I 
think  the  sun  forgot  its  course,  while  the  peerless  Filida 
sang  these  verses  "  (p.  176).  And  now  "  todos  son  enam- 
orados,  pero  no  se  puede  decir  de  quien,  que  quando  se 
sepa,  sera  un  notable  hechizo  de  Amor."  Fanio,  Delio  and 
Liria  sing  a  long  Eclogue  in  the  garden  of  the  Temple. 
Meanwhile  Siralvo  is  in  a  pitiable  plight,  "  most  of  the  time 
alone  in  his  hut,  amid  cruel  memories,  hoping  for  death 
.  .  .  stretched  out  upon  the  rocks  he  lay  calling  in  vain  for 
the  beautiful  Filida,"  and  in  the  midst  of  these  lamenta- 
tions one  day,  "  seated  upon  the  dry  trunk  of  a  holly,  he 
suddenly  took  out  his  rebeck,  which  was  so  forgotten,  and 
with  tender  eyes  accompanied  his  tears  "  to  a  song  which 
he  now  sings  (p.  219).  Suddenly  he  sees  a  wounded  stag, 


!  12  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

pursued  by  two  "  gallardas  cazadoras."  One  of  them  is 
Florela.  Siralvo  dispatches  the  stag,  then  complains  to 
Florela  of  Filida,  and  the  former  promises  to  intercede 
for  him.  Andrea  now  appears  and  finally  the  shepherds  all 
proceed  to  the  Temple  of  Diana,  where  the  seven  wonders 
of  the  world  are  described.  Siralvo  again  finds  favor  in 
the  eyes  of  Filida,  which  makes  him  so  happy  that  he  can- 
not contain  himself  (en  si  mismo  no  cabia)  and  he  recites 
seven  pages  of  verses,  "  quien  gustare  de  oirlos,  podra 
llegarse  al  Pastor,  entanto  que  las  Ninf as  duermen ;  i  quien 
no,  passe  por  ellos,  i  hallaralas  despiertas  "  (p.  270).  The 
next  song  of  Siralvo's,  which  I  copy  here  as  an  illustration 
of  Montalvo  at  his  best,  is  written  in  the  old  Castilian  re- 
dondillas,  which  are  handled  with  admirable  grace : 

Filida,  tus  ojos  bellos 
El  que  se  atreve  a  mirallos, 
Mui  mas  facil  que  alaballos, 
Le  sera  morir  por  ellos. 
Ante  ellos  calla  el  primor, 
Rindese  la  fortaleza, 
Porque  mata  su  belleza, 
Y  ciega  su  resplandor. 

Son  ojos  verdes  rasgados 
En  el  rebolver  suaves, 
Apacibles  sobre  graves, 
Manosos  y  descuidados. 
Con  ira,  o  con  mansedumbre, 
De  suerte  alegran  el  suelo, 
Que  fijados  en  el  cielo, 
No  diera  el  sol  tanta  lumbre. 

Amor  que  suele  ocupar 
Todo  quanto  el  mundo  encierra, 
Senoreando  la  tierra, 
Tiranizando  la  mar, 
Para  llevar  mas  despojos, 
Sin  tener  contradicion, 
Hizo  su  casa,  y  prision 
En  essos  hermosos  ojos. 


THE  FILIDA  OF  MONTALVO 

Alii  canta,  y  dice :  Yo 
Ciego  fui,  que  no  lo  niego; 
Pero  venturoso  ciego, 
Que  tales  ojos  hallo, 
Que  aunque  es  vuestra  la  vitoria, 
En  darosla  fui  tan  diestro, 
Que  siendo  cautivo  vuestro, 
Sois  mis  ojos,  y  mi  gloria. 

El  tiempo  que  me  juzgavan 
For  ciego,  quiselo  ser, 
Porque  no  era  razon  ver 
Si  estos  ojos  me  faltavan, 
Sera  ahora  con  hallaros 
Esta  ley  establecida, 
Que  lo  pague  con  la  vida 
Quien  se  atreviere  a  miraros.  ...  (P.  285.) 

The  story  now  grows  very  tedious;  there  is  a  long  dis- 
cussion upon  the  merits  of  the  two  schools  of  Spanish 
poetry, — the  adherents  to  the  old  Castilian  measures  and 
the  Italianists, — and,  in  imitation  of  Montemayor,  the 
praises  of  celebrated  Spanish  women  are  sung.  In  the 
seventh  book  Sasio,  the  musician,  dies  and  has  the  honor 
of  having  an  epitaph  written  by  "  the  famous  Tirsi  (Fran- 
cisco de  Figueroa)  with  his  own  hand,"  upon  the  trunk  of 
an  elm  tree.  Orsindo,  the  former  lover  of  Finea,  now  ap- 
pears, and  "  all  return  to  their  first  loves,"  Alfeo  i  la  encu- 
bierta  Andrea,  a  la  sitya,  i  Arsineo,  vencido  de  la  razon, 
bolvio  sus  pensamientos  a  Silveria.  The  work  concludes 
with  a  festival  gotten  up  by  Sileno,  in  which,  among  other 
sports,  the  shepherds  run  at  the  ring,  "  a  sport  quite  new 
among  shepherds." 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  analysis  of  what  incongruous 
elements  the  book  is  composed;  stories  from  Greek  my- 
thology are  introduced,  together  with  events  from  Spanish 
history,  and  every  occasion  is  taken  to  praise  the  house  of 
Mendoza.  How  far  the  vicissitudes  of  the  shepherd  Sir- 
alvo  (his  relations  with  Filida  are  left  unsettled  at  the  close 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

of  the  romance)  may  agree  with  actual  events  in  the  life 
of  Montalvo,  we  have  no  means  of  determining,  as  we 
know  practically  nothing  of  his  personal  history.  But 
Montalvo  loses  no  opportunity  to  extol  the  virtues  and 
beauty  of  Filida,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  her  prototype 
played  an  important  part  in  the  life  of  the  poet.  We  do 
not  know  the  name  of  the  lady,  but  from  a  poem  by  Mon- 
talvo's  friend  Lopez  Maldonado,1  we  learn  that  the  lady 
was  for  long  years  obdurate  to  the  poet's  attentions.  From 

Pastor  dichoso  cuyo  llanto  tierno 

a  tanto  que  se  vierte  en  dura  tierra, 

sin  medida,  sin  tassa,  y  sin  govierno. 

******* 

Ya  te  dio  del  descanso  alegre  llaue 
Filida  que  entregada  esta  y  piadosa, 

que  es  quanto  bien  Amor  dar  puede  6  sabe.  .  .  . 

******* 

Que  la  dulce  consorte  que  te  espera 

y  el  talamo  dichoso  que  te  atiende 

******* 

Mas  6  Pastor  amigo  6  charo  hermano 
******* 

Yo  comence  a  cantar  el  dulce  dia 

de  tu  descanso 

******* 

Dichoso  tu  que  en  puerto  alegre  y  bueno 

no  temeras  del  mar  fortuna  fiera, 

ni  rayo  ayrado  de  espantoso  trueno, 
Ni  mudanc.a  de  bien,  breue  y  ligera, 

siguro  gozaras  lo  ya  adquirido 

por  medio  y  premio  de  una  fe  sinzera  ....  (fol.  i86v). 

these  verses  it  follows,  however,  that  Montalvo  finally 
reached  the  goal  of  his  longings. 2  When  the  marriage  took 

1 "  Epistola  a  un  Amigo  con  quien  se  queria  casar  una  Dama  a 
quien  auia  seruido  muchos  anos,"  in  Cancionero  de  Lopes  Maldonado, 
Madrid,  1586,  fol.  185.  It  begins : 

2  I  have  not  taken  into  account  the  "Epistola  a  un  Amigo"  (Can- 
cionero de  Lopez  Maldonado,  fol.  128  ft),  as  I  am  not  at  all  certain 
that  it  was  addressed  to  Montalvo. 


THE  FILIDA  OF  MONTALVO 

place  we  do  not  know.  All  the  verse  in  Maldonado's  Can- 
cionero  was  written  before  1584,  but  the  verses  in  question 
may  have  been,  and  most  probably  were,  written  long 
before  that  date,  as  it  is  equally  probable  that  the  Filida 
was  written  long  before  its  appearance  in  print  in  1582. 

Four  editions  of  the  Filida  had  followed  the  first,  in  the 
next  thirty  years,  down  to  1613,  when  it  was  not  printed 
again  till  1792.  And  yet  it  is  not  easy  to  account  for  this 
popularity.  It  is  true  that  Montalvo's  short  verses,  the 
glosas  and  redondillas,  are  exceedingly  graceful,  and  so  emi- 
nent an  authority  as  Menendez  y  Pelayo  declares  that  the 
Filida  is  better  than  the  reputation  it  enjoys,  yet  it  is,  on 
the  whole,  wearisome  reading,  and  doubtless  Cervantes's 
high  praise  of  the  work  was  influenced  by  his  friendship 
for  Montalvo,  which  here  got  the  better  of  his  judgment. 


THE  "  GALATEA  "  OF  CERVANTES. 

THREE  years  afterwards,  in  1585,  Cervantes  published 
his  Galatea,1  a  pastoral  romance  in  six  books,  and  like  so 
many  of  these  works,  this  also  was  left  unfinished,  a  fact 
which  we  need  not  regret,  to  judge  by  this  very  long  frag- 
ment. It  was  the  first  work  Cervantes  published,  though 
Montalvo  had  mentioned  him  as  a  poet  three  years  before. 
It  is,  however,  one  of  the  poorest  of  all  Cervantes's  works, 
and  gives  little  promise  of  his  becoming  the  greatest  name 
in  the  literature  of  Spain.  He  was  now  nearly  thirty-eight 
years  old,  and,  one  might  fairly  say,  had  passed  his  edad 
juvenil,  which  could  no  longer  be  an  excuse  for  the  extra- 
vagances of  his  work.  Many  of  the  descriptions  in  the 
Galatea  are  certainly  natural  and  graceful,  and  there  are 
situations  which  are  very  skilfully  managed;  the  whole 
showing  a  care  in  composition  which  he  rarely  bestowed  on 
his  later  works ;  yet  its  general  style  is  diffuse  and  rambling ; 

1  Primera  Parte  de  la  Galatea,  dividida  en  seys  libros.  Copuesta 
por  Miguel  de  Ceruantes.  Dirigida  al  Yllustrissimo  senor  Ascanio 
Colona,  Abad  de  sancta  Sofia  (shield  with  the  Colonna  arms).  Con 
privilegio.  Impressa  en  Alcala  por  luan  Gracian.  Ano  de  1585.  8°, 
viii  -J-  375  fols.  Salva,  Catdlogo,  No.  1740.  It  has  been  alleged  that 
the  book  first  appeared  in  1584;  this  is  denied  by  Salva,  whose  argu- 
ments will  be  found  in  his  Catdlogo,  II,  pp.  124-125.  The  matter  is 
now  set  at  rest  by  Mr.  Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  who  discusses  it  with  his 
usual  competence  and  thoroughness,  and  shows  conclusively  that  the 
edition  of  1584  never  existed.  See  his  introduction  to  the  Galatea 
of  Cervantes,  translated  by  H.  Oelsner  and  A.  B.  Welford.  Glasgow, 
Gowans  &  Gray,  1903.  The  second  edition  of  the  Galatea  appeared  at 
Lisbon  in  1590.  For  other  editions  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  work 
just  mentioned,  pp.  xlvi,  et  passim. 
116 


THE  GALATEA  OF  CERVANTES 


117 


many  of  the  pictures  are  greatly  over-drawn,  and  there  is 
a  continual  tendency  to  exaggeration.  His  erudite  shep- 
herds and  shepherdesses  delight  in  philosophical  discus- 
'sions,  using  the  most  polite  and  high-sounding  phrases, 
often  with  an  effect  that  is  truly  ridiculous.  There  seems 
to  be  no  attempt  at  plot  or  connected  narrative,  and  it  is 
with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  the  reader  keeps  track  of 
the  various  characters;  a  great  number  of  shepherds  and 
shepherdesses  (some  one  has  said  there  are  no  less  than 
seventy-one)  are  brought  successively  upon  the  scene,  and 
the  maze  of  incidents  is  almost  inextricable.  "  In  mind 
and  body  these  shepherds  and  shepherdesses  are  exception- 
ally endowed.  They  can  remain  awake  for  days.  They 
can  recite,  without  slurring  a  comma,  a  hundred  or  two 
hundred  lines  of  a  poem  heard  once,  years  ago;  and  the 
casuistry  of  their  amorous  dialectics  would  do  credit  to 
Sanchez  or  Escobar."  *  As  Professor  Fitzmaurice-Kelly 
truly  says :  "  The  pastoral  genre  was  unsuited  to  the  exer- 
cise of  Cervantes's  individual  genius.  .  .  .  He  longed  to 
be  an  Arcadian,  though  he  had  no  true  vocation  for  the 
business." 

Nor  does  Cervantes  in  these  primicias  de  su  ingenio  re- 
veal the  slightest  originality;  he  followed  custom  and  bor- 
rowed freely  from  his  predecessors  in  this  field.  "  No  care- 
ful reader  of  the  Galatea  can  doubt  that  its  author  either 
had  Sannazaro's  Arcadia  on  his  table,  or  that  he  knew  it 
almost  by  heart.  .  .  .  His  appreciation  for  the  Arcadia 
was  unbounded.  ...  In  the  Galatea  enthusiasm  takes  the 
form  of  conscious  imitation."  It  has  been  observed  that 

1  Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  op.  cit.,  p.  xxxiii. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  xxix.     Cervantes's  residence  in  Italy  had  made  him  well 
acquainted  with  the  language  and  literature  of  that  country.     His  ob- 
ligations to  the  Arcadia  of  Sannazaro  had  been  pointed  out  long  ago 
by    Scherillo,    in    his    excellent   work   Arcadia   di  Jacobo    Sannazaro 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Lisandro's  song  in  the  first  book  of  the  Galatea  is  imitated 
from  the  song  of  Ergasto  on  the  tomb  of  Androgeo  in  the 
Arcadia.  Lisandro's  song  begins : 

O  alma  venturosa 
Que  del  humana  velo 
Libre  al  alta  region  viva  volaste, 
Dexando  en  tenebrosa 
Carcel  de  desconsuelo 
Mi  vida,  aunque  contigo  la  llevaste! 
Sin  ti,  escura  dexaste 
La  luz  clara  del  dia, 
For  tierra  derribada 
La  esperanza  fundada 
En  el  mas  firme  asiento  de  alegria: 
En  fin  con  tu  partida 
Quedo  vivo  el  dolor,  muerta  la  vida. 

Compare  with  this  Androgeo's  song : 

Alma  beata  e  bella 
Che  da  legami  sciolta 
Nuda  salisti  ne'  superni  chiostri; 
Que  con  la  tua  stella 
Ti  godi  insieme  accolta, 
E  lieta  uai  schernendo  i  pensier  nostri : 
Quasi  un  bel  sol  ti  mostri 
Tra  li  piu  chiari  spirti; 
E  coi  uestigii  santi 
Calchi  le  stelle  erranti; 
E  tra  pure  fontane  e  sacri  Mirti 
Pasci  celesti  greggi, 
E  i  tuoi  cari  pastori  indi  correggi. 

(Fol.  2  iv,  ed.  Vinegia,  1556.) 

A  number  of  the  prose  passages  in  the  Galatea  are  also 
pointed  out  by  Scherillo,  which  bear  such  a  close  resem- 

secondo  i  Manoscritti  e  le  prime  Stampe,  Torino,  1888.  Cervantes's 
imitations  of  the  Arcadia  are  so  many  that  Scherillo  says :  "  Per  di- 
mostrare  quanto  numerose  esse  [derivazioni  della  Galatea  dall'  Ar- 
cadia} siano,  ci  vorrebbe  addiritura  una  ristampa  della  Galatea  coi 
richiami  in  margine  dei  passi  dell'  Arcadia"  (p.  ccliii). 


THE  GALATEA  OF  CERVANTES  IIO/ 

blance  to  some  in  the  Arcadia  that  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  Cervantes  drew  freely  on  the  latter  work.  The  sixth 
book  of  the  Galatea,  moreover,  as  this  scholar  has  remarked 
"  e  tutto  imitate  dalle  ultime  pagine  dell'  Arcadia."  l  There 
is  much  poetry  scattered  through  the  Galatea,  and  some  of 
it  is  very  good,  but  there  is  much  that  is  quite  unworthy  of 
Cervantes.  His  sonnets  will  not  bear  comparison  with 
those  of  Montemayor;  they  are  generally  lacking  in  grace 
and  finish,  and  are  not  redeemed  by  any  strikingly  beautiful 
thoughts.  And  it  is  certainly  strange  that  one  who  loved 
the  old  Spanish  ballads  so  well  and  who  knew  most  of 
them  by  heart,  should  have  failed  to  give  us  a  single  com- 
position in  this  measure. 

Cervantes  always  cherished  a  singular  affection  for  the 
Galatea,  with  which  he  made  his  debut  in  the  world  of 
letters.  Yet  no  one,  surely,  was  better  aware  of  its  excessive 
sentimentality  and  unnaturalness  than  he  himself.  Nearly 
thirty  years  later,  in  his  "  Colloquy  of  the  Dogs,"  he  speaks 
as  follows  of  these  pastorals :  "  In  the  silence  and  solitude 
of  my  siestas,  it  occurred  to  me  among  other  things  that 

1  Scherillo,  Arcadia  di  Sannazaro,  pp.  cell,  and  foil.  The  beginning 
of  the  Carta  of  Timbrio  to  Nisida  in  Book  iii,  bears  a  striking  re- 
semblance to  the  letter  to  Gardenia  in  Book  ii  of  the  Diana  of  Perez : 

Galatea:      "  Salud  te  envia  aquel  que  no  la  tiene, 
Nisida,  ni  la  espera  en  tiempo  algunb, 
Si  por  tus  manos  mismas  no  le  viene." 

Cf.  the  letter  in  the  Diana:  "  Salud  te  embia  el  que  para  si,  ni  la 
tiene,  ni  la  quiere,  si  ya  de  ti  sola  no  le  viniesse,"  etc.  One  of  the 
Epistolas  of  Diego  Hurtado  de  Mendoza  begins : 

"  A  Marfira  Damon  salud  envia, 
Si  la  puede  enviar  quien  no  la  tiene, 
Ni  la  espera  tener  por  otra  via."      Ed.  Knapp,  p.  101. 

It  is  probable  that  this  is  the  source  of  Perez,  and  perhaps  also  of 
Cervantes,  who,  in  the  Galatea  (Bk.  vi)  represents  a  number  of  shep- 
herds visiting  the  tomb  of  Meliso  (Mendoza)  and  reciting  in  verse 
a  lament  to  his  memory. 


I2Q  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

there  could  be  no  truth  in  what  I  had  heard  tell  of  the  life 
of  shepherds, — of  those  at  least  about  whom  my  master's 
lady  used  to  read  when  I  went  to  her  house,  in  certain 
books  all  treating  of  shepherds  and  shepherdesses;  and  tell- 
ing how  they  passed  their  whole  life  in  singing  and  playing 
on  pipes,  reeds,  rebecks,  and  other  strange  instruments.  I 
heard  her  read  how  the  shepherd  Anfriso  x  sang  divinely 
in  praise  of  the  peerless  Belisarda,  and  that  there  was  not 
a  tree  on  all  the  mountains  of  Arcadia  upon  whose  trunk 
he  had  not  sat  and  sung  from  the  moment  Sol  quitted  the 
arms  of  Aurora,  till  he  threw  himself  into  those  of  Thetis, 
and  that  even  after  black  night  had  spread,  its  sable  wings 
over  the  face  of  the  earth,  he  did  not  cease  his  well-sung 
and  better-wept  complaints.  Nor  did  I  forget  the  shepherd 
Elicio,2  more  enamored  than  bold,  of  whom  it  was  said  that 
without  attending  to  his  own  love  or  his  flock,  he  entered 
into  the  griefs  of  others ;  nor  the  great  shepherd  of  Filida,3 
unique  painter  of  a  portrait,  and  who  had  been  more  faith- 
ful than  happy;  nor  the  anguish  of  Sireno  and  the  remorse 
of  Diana,  and  how  she  thanked  God  and  the  wise  Felicia, 
who,  with  her  enchanted  water,  undid  the  maze  of  en- 
tanglement and  difficulties.4  I  used  to  remember  many 
other  books  of  this  same  kind,  but  they  were  not  worthy 
of  being  remembered.  .  .  .  All  these  things  enabled  me  to 
see  the  more  clearly  the  difference  between  the  habits  and 
occupations  of  my  masters  and  the  rest  of  the  shepherds 
in  that  quarter,  and  those  shepherds  of  whom  I  had  heard 
read  in  the  books.  For  if  mine  sang,  it  was  not  tuneful  and 
finely-composed  strains,  but  a  "  Ware  the  Wolf,"  and 

1  A  reference  to  the  Arcadia  of  Lope  de  Vega,  in  which  Anfriso  is 
in  love  with  Belisarda. 

2  Elicio,  one  of  the  shepherds  in  the  Galatea,  is  Cervantes  himself. 

3  Refers  to  the  Pastor  de  Filida  of  Cervantes's  friend  Montalvo. 

4  An  allusion  to  the  Diana  of  Montemayor. 


THE  GALATEA  OF  CERVANTES  I2i 

"  Where  goes  Jenny,"  and  other  similar  ditties,  and  not  to 
the  accompaniment  of  hautboys,  rebecks  or  pipes,  but  to 
the  knocking  of  one  crook  against  another,  or  of  bits  of 
tile  jingled  between  the  fingers  and  sung  with  voices  not 
melodious  and  tender,  but  so  coarse  and  out  of  tune,  that 
whether  singly  or  in  chorus  they  seemed  to  be  howling  or 
grunting.  They  passed  the  greater  part  of  the  day  in  hunt- 
ing up  their  fleas  or  mending  their  brogues ;  and  not  one  of 
them  was  named  Amarilis,  Filida,  Galatea  or  Diana,  nor 
were  there  any  Lisardos,  Lausos,  Jacintos  or  Riselos,1  but 
all  were  Antones,  Domingos,  Pablos  or  Llorentes.  And 
from  this  I  concluded  what  I  think  all  must  believe,  that 
all  those  books  [about  pastoral  life]  are  only  fictions  in- 
geniously written  for  the  amusement  of  the  idle,  and  that 
there  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  them,  for,  were  it  otherwise, 
there  would  have  remained  among  my  shepherds  some 
trace  of  that  happy  life  of  yore,  with  its  pleasant  meads, 
spacious  groves,  sacred  mountains,  beautiful  gardens,  clear 
streams  and  crystal  fountains;  the  tender  terms,  as  decor- 
ous as  they  were  ardently  spoken,  with  here  the  shepherds, 
there  the  shepherdesses  all  woe-begone,  and  the  air  made 
vocal  everywhere  with  flutes  and  pipes  and  flageolets."  2 

In  accordance  with  the  custom  of  the  time,  Cervantes 
introduces  a  number  of  poets  as  shepherds,  he  himself  ap- 
pearing as  Elicio  ;3  it  is  also  the  general  opinion  that  Galatea 
was  a  young  lady  of  Esquivias,  Dona  Catalina  de  Palacios 
Salazar  y  Vozmediano,  who  soon  afterward  became  his 
wife.  The  Galatea  has  generally  been  considered  as  an 

1  Lisardo  was  the  pastoral  name  of  the  poet  Luis  de  Vargas  Man- 
rique;  Lauso  that  of  Barahona  de  Soto,   and  Riselo  that  of   Pedro 
Linan  de  Riaza. 

2  See  also  Don  Quixote,  Part  IT,  Chap.  Ixvii. 

3  Navarrete  (Vida  de  Cervantes,  Madrid,  1819,  p.  66)  says:  "Under 
the  names  of  Tirsi,  Damon,  Meliso,  Siralvo,  Lauso,  Larsileo  and  Arti- 


122  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

offering  to  this  lady,  and  having  accomplished  the  purpose 
for  which  it  was  written,  it  was  never  concluded.1  This 
may  or  may  not  be  true ;  the  fact  is  that  Cervantes  was  mar- 
ried to  Da.  Catalina  de  Palacios  on  December  12,  1584, 
and  the  probability  is  that,  being  now  married,  he  sought 
some  more  remunerative  occupation  than  the  writing  of 
pastoral  romances ;  at  all  events,  within  six  months  we  find 
him  at  Madrid,  where  he  was  then  engaged  in  writing 
comedias  for  the  corrales.  Herein  we  know  that  he  was 
not  successful,  and  he  soon  turned  his  hand  to  anything 
that  promised  him  a  living,  beginning  that  long  struggle 
with  poverty  from  which  only  death  finally  set  him  free. 

With  all  the  evident  care  which  Cervantes  bestowed  on 
the  Galatea,  it  is  a  dull  book;  the  only  episode  of  interest 
is  the  recital  of  Timbrio's  adventures.  The  story  in  brief 
is  as  follows : 

'  Timbrio,  being  challenged  to  a  duel  by  another  knight, 
sets  out  for  Naples.  Silerio,  his  friend,  being  detained  by 
sickness,  follows  after  some  days,  and  being  left  on  the 
coast  of  Catalonia  by  the  galley  in  which  he  sailed,  he  per- 
ceives, on  the  next  morning,  a  crowd  following  a  man  who 
is  being  led  to  execution.  It  is  Timbrio,  who  had  been 
captured  during  a  descent  made  upon  a  robber  band  by 
which  he  had  been  waylaid  and  held.  Silerio  rescues  him, 
and  both  finally  escape  to  Naples,  where  the  duel  is  to  be 
fought.  Here  Timbrio  falls  in  love  with  Nisida;  Silerio, 

doro,  Cervantes  introduced  into  his  story  Francisco  de  Figueroa, 
Pedro  Lainez,  D.  Diego  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  Luis  Galuez  di  Mon- 
talvo,  Luis  Barahona  de  Soto,  D.  Alonso  de  Ercilla  and  Micer  Andres 
Rey  de  Artieda,  all  friends  of  his  and  very  celebrated  poets  of  that 
time."  Of  these  Tirsi  is  certainly  Figueroa,  Diego  Hurtado  de  Men- 
doza also  calls  himself  Damon  in  his  verse;  of  Lainez  I  am  unable  to 
say  what  his  poetical  name  was ;  the  last  four  pastoral  names  cor- 
respond with  the  poetical  names  of  the  poets  mentioned. 
1  Ticknor,  History  of  Spanish  Literature,  Vol.  II,  p.  119. 


THE  GALATEA  OF  CERVANTES 

disguised  as  a  buffoon,  is  received  into  Nisida's  house, 
where  he  pleads  the  cause  of  Timbrio,  at  the  same  time  fall- 
ing in  love  with  Nisida,  while  Blanca,  her  sister,  becomes 
enamoured  of  him.  Nisida  returns  the  affection  of  Tim- 
brio.  All  now  proceed  to  the  duelling  ground,  Nisida's 
parents  going  also,  accompanied  by  Blanca.  Nisida,  how- 
ever, had  remained  behind  some  distance,  and  had  arranged 
with  Silverio  to  give  her  a  signal  from  afar,  so  that  she 
might  know  that  Timbrio  were  safe.  After  the  duel  Sil- 
verio appears,  but  neglects  to  wear  the  sign.  Nisida  falls 
in  a  swoon;  all  believe  her  dead,  and  Timbrio  departs  for 
Spain,  while  Silerio  returns  to  become  a  hermit,  the  two 
sisters  wandering  afterward  to  seek  Timbrio.  The  vessel 
on  which  Timbrio  sailed,  however,  is  obliged  by  a  violent 
storm  to  return  to  Gaeta,  departing  again  a  few  days  after- 
ward. One  day  while  Timbrio  is  singing  on  the  vessel, 
Nisida  suddenly  appears  beside  him,  accompanied  by 
Blanca.  She  relates  how,  with  an  attendant,  and  in  pil- 
grim's attire,  she  went  to  Gaeta,  and  embarked  on  the 
vessel  after  its  return  from  the  storm,  intending  to  seek 
Timbrio  at  Xeres.  Shortly  afterward  some  Turkish  gal- 
leys are  seen  in  the  distance,  which  greatly  increase  in  num- 
bers, and  attack  Timbrio's  vessel.  A  desperate  fight  ensues, 
which  lasts  for  sixteen  hours,  when  Timbrio's  vessel  is 
finally  captured  by  the  corsairs,  who  are  led  by  Arnaut 
Mami.  They  are  all  taken  aboard  a  Turkish  galley,  sub- 
jected to  the  most  cruel  treatment,  and  are  ready  to  give 
up  all  hope,  when  a  terrible  storm  suddenly  arises,  which 
is  so  violent  that  it  scatters  the  Turkish  vessels,  sinking 
many  of  them  and  driving  the  Arnaut's  galley  toward  the 
Catalonian  coast.  As  the  storm  increases  in  fury,  the  Turk- 
ish leader  requests  the  Christians  to  invoke  their  saints  and 
Saviour  to  shield  them  from  destruction.  Their  prayers 
are  not  in  vain,  for  the  storm  abates,  but  the  next  morning 


124 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 


they  find  themselves  so  close  to  the  coast  of  Catalonia  that 
escape  is  impossible,  and  they  decide  to  land,  '  for  love  of 
life  made  slavery  appear  sweet  to  the  Turks/  who  are 
promptly  murdered  by  the  Catalonians.  This  takes  place 
on  the  very  spot  where  a  short  time  previously  Silverio  had 
saved  Timbrio's  life." 

This,  it  must  be  admitted,  is  a  rather  improbable  story, 
though  there  are  passages  written  with  much  spirit — pas- 
sages in  which  there  is  just  a  faint  foreshadowing  of  the 
great  Cervantes  of  the  Don  Quixote,  for  here  he  was  in- 
spired by  an  episode  in  his  own  life — his  capture  by  this 
same  Arnaut  Mami — an  adventure  which  he  was  again 
to  turn  to  good  account  afterward. 

The  Galatea  was  not  successful,  and  little  blame  is  to  be 
attached  to  the  public  for  not  waxing  warm  over  these  eru- 
dite, fictitious  shepherds.1  And  yet,  at  this  time,  as  if 
endowed  with  the  gift  of  prophecy,  the  poet  Galvez  Mon- 
talvo  foretold  the  coming  of  the  name  that  was  to  go  down 
through  all  the  ages.2  Surely  only  a  seer's  eye  could  dis- 
cover such  promise  in  this  somnolent  pastoral  romance. 

1  That  the  Galatea  enjoyed  some  popularity  in  its  day,  however,  is 
shown   by   the   two   romances   which    appeared    at    Valencia   in    1591 
(Gallardo,  Ensayo,  I,  p.  1396),  written  by  Juan  de  Salinas;  they  are 
published  in  the  Romancer o  general    (Duran,   II,  pp.  471,  472),   and 
in  the  Poesias  del  Dr.  D,  Juan  de  Salinas,  Seville,  1869,  Vol.  I,  pp. 
24,  28. 

2  In  the  following  sonnet,  prefixed  to  the  first  edition  of  the  Galatea: 

Mientras  del  yugo  sarracino  anduvo 
Tu  cuello  preso  y  tu  cerviz  domada, 
Y  alii  tu  alma  al  de  la  Fe  amarrada 
A  mas  rigor  mayor  firmeza  tuvo, 

Gozose  el  cielo ;  mas  la  tierra  estuvo 
Casi  viuda  sin  ti,  y  desamparada 
De  nuestras  musas  la  real  morada, 
Tristeza,  llanto,  soledad  mantuvo. 

Pero  despues  que  diste  al  patrio  suelo 
Tu  alma  sana  y  tu  garganta  suelta, 


THE  GALATEA  OF  CERVANTES 


125 


Cervantes,  indeed,  seems  always  to  have  been  proud  of 
this  first  child  of  his  genius,  for  he  often  recurs  to  it  in  later 
years ; *  no  less  than  five  times  he  promises  a  conclusion  to 
the  Galatea,  and  there  may  be  concealed  beneath  its  pas- 
toral allusions  a  significance  which  the  second  part  might 
have  revealed  and  the  Galatea  "thus  have  won  the  full  meas- 
ure of  grace  that  is  now  denied  it."  As  late  as  1615,  one 
year  before  his  death,  he  says  in  the  preface  to  the  second 
part  of  Don  Quixote:  "  thou  mayest  expect  the  Persiles, 
which  I  am  now  finishing,  and  also  the  second  part  of  Gal- 
atea. The  Persiles  he  finished  four  days  before  his  death, 
writing  with  the  last  strokes  of  his  pen,  the  graceful  and 
grateful  dedication  to  the  Count  of  Lemos.  But  like  El 
famoso  Bernardo  and  Las  Semanas  del  Jardin,  the  second 
part  of  the  Galatea  was  never  written,  or  if  any  portion  of 
it  was  written,  it  has  disappeared  utterly.  Perhaps  we  need 
not  regret  its  loss;  indeed,  there  is  infinite  consolation  in 
the  knowledge  that  it  could  not  possibly  have  added  to  the 
reputation  of  its  author. 

De  entre  las  fuerzas  barbaras  confusas, 

Descubre  claro  tu  valor  el  cielo, 
Gozase  el  mundo  en  tu  felice  vuelta 
Y  cobra  Espana  las  perdidas  musas. 

1  It  must  have  given  Cervantes  not  a  little  satisfaction  to  see  the 
Galatea  praised  by  his  great  rival  Lope  de  Vega.  In  one  of  his 
comedias,  La  Viuda  Valenciana,  written  before  1604,  we  read : 

Oton:     aqueste  es  la  Galatea, 

que  si  buen  libro  dessea 

no  tiene  mas  que  pedir. 

Fue  su  autor  Miguel  Ceruates, 

que  alia  en  la  Naual  perdio 

una  mano.  Act  I,  fol.  107,  ed.  of  1621. 


"  THE  ENLIGHTENMENT  OF  JEALOUSY,"  BY 
LOPEZ  DE  ENCISO. 

IN  the  following  year  (1586)  a  romance  appeared  en- 
titled "  The  Enlightenment  of  Jealousy,"  by  Bartholome 
Lopez  de  Enciso.1  Of  its  author  we  know  nothing  more 
than  he  himself  tells  us  on  the  title-page:  that  he  was  a 
native  of  Tendilla,  a  small  town  in  the  province  of  Guada- 
lajara. We  hear  of  him  again  in  I598,2  and  at  the  festival 
of  Corpus  Christi  at  Seville  in  1618,  the  actor  Juan  de 
Morales  Medrano  and  his  wife  Jusepa  Vaca  and  their  com- 
pany of  players  represented  the  auto  entitled  La  Montanesa, 
by  Bartholome  de  Enciso.3  Whether  this  dramatist  and 
Bartholome  Lopez  de  Enciso  are  one  and  the  same  person, 
however,  I  have  no  means  of  determining. 

1  Desengano  de  Celos.    Compuesto  por  Bartholome  Lopes  de  Enciso, 
natural  de  Tendilla.    Dirigido  al  illustrissimo  Senor  Don  Luys  Enrri- 
quez,  Conde  de  Melgar  [Device,  figure  of  a  man}.     Con  Privilegio. 
Impresso  en  Madrid  en  casa  de  Francisco  Sanchez.    Ano,  1586,  small 
8°,  321  leaves.     In  a  MS.  note  Ticknor  says :  "  This  is  one  of  the 
rarest  books  in  Spanish  literature."     I  have  also  used  a  copy  in  the 
Gottingen  University  library.    The  title  of  the  work  is  thus  translated 
by   Braunfels :   "  Der  Titel  bedeutet   so   wohl   die   Widerwartigkeiten 
welche  die  Eifersucht  mit  sich  bringt,  als  die  Erkenntnis  der  Thor- 
heiten  die  sie  uns  begehen  laszt."    Don  Quixote,  tr.  by  Braunfels,  Vol. 
I,  p.  89,  note.     This  also,  was  one  of  the  volumes  in  Don  Quixote's 
library.    Don  Quixote,  ed.  Clemencin,  I,  p.  145. 

2  In  that  year  he  contributed  a  sonnet  to  Cristobal  Perez  de  Her- 
rera's  Discurso  del  Amparo  de  los  legitimos  pobres,  etc.,  Madrid,  1598. 
Perez  Pastor,  Bibliografia  Madrilena,  I,  p.  313. 

8  Sanchez-Arjona,  Anales  del  Teatro  en  Sevilla,  Sevilla,   1898,  pp. 
192,  194,  195.    Barrera  (Catdlogo,  p.  131)  thinks  that  our  author  may 
be  the  Bartolome  de  Anciso,  author  of  the  comedia  El  Casamiento 
126 


THE  ENLIGHTENMENT  OF  JEALOUSY 


127 


In  the  "  Epistola  al  Lector  "  our  author  says  that,  having 
observed  the  disastrous  effects  of  jealousy,  he  has  endeav- 
ored to  ascertain  "  whether  in  any  way  this  confessed  evil 
might  not  be  rooted  out  and  banished  from  the  breasts  of 
those  who  have  cherished  it.  And  among  the  many  things 
that  my  fancy  proposed  to  me,  I  chose  as  best  for  my  pur- 
pose, to  write  of  the  disastrous  results  that  have  been  pro- 
duced by  jealousy  .  .  .  and,  likewise,  to  show  the  infinite 
advantages  that  result  from  its  absence." 

The  author  feared,  inasmuch  as  his  work  consisted 
"  merely  of  admonitions  and  counsels,"  that,  "  in  view  of 
the  debased  taste  of  these  times,"  his  work  would  not  re- 
ceive the  attention  that  was  its  due.  He  therefore  clothed 
it  in  a  pastoral  style  "  to  render  it  agreeable  to  all  readers, 
never  swerving,  however,  one  iota  from  my  main  purpose, 
which  is  to  expose  the  vanity  and  absurdity  of  jealousy. 

con  Zelos  y  rey  Don  Pedro  de  Aragon,  published  in  Parte  treinta  y 
tres  de  Comedias  nuevas  nunca  impressas,  escogidas  de  los  mejores 
Ingenios  de  Espana.  Madrid,  1670.  (Ibid.,  p.  699.)  Barrera  also 
puts  the  query  whether  this  may  be  the  writer  referred  to  by  Cer- 
vantes in  the  Viagc  del  Parnaso,  as  "gloria  y  ornamento  del  Tajo,  y 
claro  honor  de  Manzanares."  Two  of  the  laudatory  poems  prefixed 
to  the  Desengano  de  Celos  praise  its  author  in  the  most  extravagant 
fashion.  The  licenciado  Huerta  says : 

"  Bien  puede  su  memoria  eternizarse 
Concediendole  nombre  de  diuino, 
Pues  con  diuino  espiritu  se  muestra. 
Y  bien  pueden  sus  obras  celebrarse 
Mejor  que  la  Thebayda  de  Papino 
Con  honrra  suya,  de  su  patria  y  nuestra." 

The  licenciado  Don  Luys  de  Barrionueuo  says : 

"  Pues  tiene  de  consejos  tanta  sobra 
Y  con  su  estilo  esta  tan  leuantada 
Que  se  puede  llamar  obra  del  cielo." 

We  are  inclined  to  doubt  whether  even  Enciso  himself  believed  all 
this. 


128  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

He  continues :  "  Having  written  this  first  part,  I  had  deter- 
mined to  use  it  only  for  my  own  contemplation  and  that  it 
should  remain  hidden  .  .  .  but  communicating  it  to  some 
of  my  friends,  they  were  of  the  opinion  that  I  should  pub- 
lish it.  And  not  only  this,  but  so  much  did  they  persuade 
me  that  I  was  obliged  to  yield  to  their  pleasure  and  their 
prayers."  Besides,  he  says,  it  had  been  read  by  cierta  per- 
sona "  whom  he  could  not  fail  to  obey  "  and  by  whom  he 
was  commanded  to  publish  it.  He  calls  it  the  work  of  a 
young  man  and  the  first  upon  which  he  has  labored,  and 
begs  that  it  may  be  received  as  such  and  that  its  errors  may 
be  pardoned.  This,  he  concludes,  would  give  him  courage 
to  publish  the  second  part.  Surely  this  was  frank  enough 
and  modest  enough,  yet  his  readers  seem  to  have  consid- 
ered his  errors  unpardonable,  for  he  never  had  an  opportu- 
nity to  publish  the  second  part. 

In  this  romance  the  scene  is  again  laid  "  upon  the  lovely 
banks  of  the  golden  Tagus,"  along  which  "  the  pitiful  shep- 
herd Laureno  "  pursues  his  way,  "  having  left  on  his  right 
hand  his  beloved  village."  Suddenly  he  hears  voices  as  of 
men  quarreling  and  presently  sees  two  shepherds  with 
drawn  knives  about  to  rush  upon  one  another.  At  the  same 
moment  a  beautiful  shepherdess  appears  from  behind  a 
clump  of  trees,  and  pacifies  the  bellicose  shepherds,  saying: 
"  as  you  are  both  unbeloved  (desamado)  of  the  shepherdess 
Clarina,  there  is  no  reason  why  you  should  be  jealous  of 
each  other."  Then,  "  desiring  to  reconcile  them,  she  took 
them  each  by  the  hand  and  sat  down  with  them  close  by  a 
sweet  spring,  which  was  there."  This  being  seen  by  the 
lorn  Laurenio,  "  together  with  what  he  had  seen  and  heard 
of  the  shepherds,  brought  upon  him  the  most  terrible  des- 
pair: Knowing  jealousy  only  without  ever  having  been 
loved,  it  had  driven  him  to  such  a  point,  that  recalling  the 
happy  time  in  which  he  enjoyed  the  most  pleasant  life  that 


THE  ENLIGHTENMENT  OF  JEALOUSY 

one  can  imagine,  and  seeing  himself  not  only  deprived  of 
that  happiness,  but  exiled  from  his  native  land,  and  so 
filled  with  grief  without  any  hope  of  remedy;  with  an 
anguish  which  seemed  to  rend  his  soul,  uttering  loud  cries 
and  heaving  passionate  sighs,  he  let  himself  fall  upon  the 
earth,  deprived  of  all  senses."  Here  he  lay,  "  uttering  such 
cries  and  making  such  sad  echoes,  that  the  two  shepherds 
with  the  charming  shepherdess,  hearing  his  laments,  had 
arisen  to  see  what  it  was."  They  found  him  "  writhing  on 
the  ground,  with  clenched  fists,  and  gritting  his  teeth  in 
such  a  manner  that  they  became  afraid."  l  Recovering 
from  their  fear,  "  they  endeavored  to  restore  him  to  his 
senses,  but  seeing  that  these  efforts  were  in  vain,  one  of  the 
shepherds  returned  to  the  fountain  and  bringing  some  water 
in  a  cup,  dashed  it  into  his  face."  Seeing  that  he  is  about 
to  recover,  they  withdraw  amongst  the  trees,  where  they 
can  observe  his  actions.  They  see  him  take  a  letter  from 
his  scrip,  "  and  with  violent  rage,  he  tears  it  to  pieces ;  then 
drawing  forth  a  rebeck  2  that  was  out  of  tune,  and  attun- 
ing it  in  harmony  with  his  sighs,  making  a  very  direful  and 
lamentable  sound,  he  began  with  the  sadness  with  which 
the  hoarse  swan  is  wont  to  sing  in  his  last  moments,  to  re- 
cite these  verses."  After  finishing  his  song,  he  throws 
away  his  rebeck,  "  lest  the  memory  of  it  should  increase 
his  grief,  although  it  is  already  so  great  that  it  allows  of 
no  increase."  Then -"he  draws  forth  from  his  scrip  a 
yellow  spoon  of  smooth  box-wood,  beautifully  carved,  and 

1 "  Llegando  donde  estaua,  quedaron  admirados,  el  qual  como  quien 
de  mal  de  coragon  esta  tocado,  por  el  suelo  apriesa  se  rebolcana,  hazi- 
endo  sus  bestiduras  pedagos,  apretando  las  manos,  y  vatiendo  los 
dientes  tan  fuertemente,  que  grande  espanto  en  los  tres  que  le  mirauan 
ponia,  y  llegandose  a  el,  mouidos  de  compasion,  procuraron  boluerle 
en  si." 

2  Rebeck,  in  Spanish,  rabel,  a  small  three-stringed  lute  of  Moorish 
origin.  See  Don  Quixote,  ed.  Clemencin,  Vol.  I,  p.  237. 


130 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 


throwing  it  far  from  him,"  says :  "  thou  spoon,  with  which 
that  mouth,  as  beautiful  as  it  is  false,  was  wont  to  eat,  no 
longer  shalt  thou  be  in  my  company,"  etc. 

Surely  absurdity  has  reached  its  very  verge  in  such  stuff 
as  this.  And  so  this  history  continues  its  weary  course 
through  six  books.  On  fol.  96,  Rosano,  a  shepherd,  relates 
the  story  of  "  the  unhappy  fate  of  the  Lusitanian  prince."  1 
In  Book  IV  the  shepherds  discourse  upon  Polyphemus,  Her- 
akles  and  Dejanira,  Medea,  Dido,  Hero  and  Leander,  Pira- 
mus  and  Thisbe,  Tereus,  Progne  and  Philomela,  Paris  and 
Enone,  etc.,  and  otherwise  display  a  knowledge  of  ancient 
lore,  while  in  Book  V,  as  in  nearly  every  one  of  these 
romances  that  followed  the  Diana,  the  shepherds  are  con- 
ducted by  a  nymph  to  the  Temple  of  Diana,  where  they  see 
the  statues  of  Charles  V.,  Philip  II.,  Don  John  of  Austria 
and  Philip  III. 

It  is  one  of  the  dullest  books  imaginable,  and  the  curate 
in  Don  Quixote  (Part  I,  Chap,  vi)  showed  it  no  mercy.  It 
is  written  in  a  cumbrous  and  diffuse  style,  the  monotony  of 
which  is  only  relieved,  now  and  then,  by  some  absurdity. 

Of  the  verse  scattered  through  the  book,  and  which  is 
decidedly  better  than  the  prose,  a  few  specimens  follow : 

Laurenio's  Song. 

Del  resplandor  del  Sol,  y  las  estrellas, 
De  la  veldad  mayor  que  tiene  el  cielo 
Un  retrato  purissimo  en  el  suelo, 
Mostrandonos  esta  mil  gracias  bellas, 
Quien  quiera  ver  cifrada  del  altura 
La  hermosura 
En  un  humano 
Y  souerano 
Rostro  y  talle, 
No  a  buscalle 

1  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Portugal,  who  died  in  captivity  at  Fez,  in 
1443,  and  upon  whose  tragic  fate  Calderon  has  founded  one  of  his 
best  comedias,  El  Principe  constants. 


THE  ENLIGHTENMENT  OF  JEALOUSY 

Al  cielo  suba;  vengase  a  este  prado, 
Do  todo  lo  vera  muy  acauado. 

Quien  pretendiese  ver  la  perficion, 
Y  donde  remato  naturaleza 
El  estremo  mas  alto  de  la  belleza, 
Donayre,  gracia,  brio,  y  discrecion, 
Y  quien  de  graudedad,  y  de  valor 
Desea  el  primor 
Ver  con  los  ojos, 
Dando  en  despojos 
For  vista  tal 
La  mas  ynmortal, 

No  canse  en  otras  partes ;  a  este  f uente 
Venga,  do  lo  vera  mas  excelente. 

Vera  aqui  en  el  ynbierno  riguroso 
Conuierte  en  agradable  primauera, 
Y  quien  subgeta  y  rinde  toda  fiera, 
Con  solo  un  mirar  de  ojo  amoroso, 
Vera  quien  del  calor  del  seco  Estio, 
Un  grato  frio 
Su  vista  ofrece, 
Y  reberdece 
Las  florecillas 
Que  ya  amarillas 

Estan  del  rojo  Sol  con  ser  tocadas, 
De  sus  hermosas  plantas  delicadas  (fol.  66). 

Sonnet. 

Hermosa  y  dulce  fuente,  verde  prado, 
Floridos  campos,  arboles  sombrios, 
A  donde  solia  yo  los  males  mios 
Cantar  en  vuestros  troncos  recostado. 

Si  con  lagrimas  hize  en  lo  passado 
Crecer  las  aguas  destos  claros  rios, 
Escuchad  de  mi  muerte  los  desuios, 
Y  el  bien  a  que  mi  suerte  me  ha  llegado. 

Oyreis  de  amor  hazanas  nunca  oydas, 
De  fortuna  grandissimas  mudanc.as 
Y  de  un  pastor  el  hado  venturoso. 

Pues  quien  puede  quitar  oy  cien  mil  vidas, 
Gusta  de  darme  firmes  esperanqas 
Que  me  ha  de  ver  muy  presto  aqui  gozoso  (fol.  79). 


132  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

"  And  now  the  doleful  Fenisa,  playing  upon  a  delicate 
though  husky  bag-pipe,  with  more  sadness  than  the  widowed 
turtle-dove,  with  faint  voice  drawn  from  her  sad  bosom, 
sang  the  following  verses  "  : 

Hermoso,  ameno  y  agradable  valle 
Eras  en  todo  tiempo  al  alma  mia, 
Quando  mi  dulce  Flaminio  en  ti  viuia, 
Dandote  el  ser  que  el  solo  podia  dalle. 

Mas  ya  no  ay  gusto  en  ti,  y  querer  buscalle 
Mayor  locura  y  torpedad  seria 
Que  pedir  vivo  fuego  al  agua  fria 
O  que  al  bulgo  querer  hazer  que  calle. 

Para  todos  produces  vellas  flores, 
A  todos  tu  sombria  da  contento, 
Y  tu  yerua  sustento  a  los  ganados. 

Renuebanse  en  mirarte  los  amores, 
Suspendes  a  los  tristes  el  tormento. 
Y  a  mi  sola  me  doblas  los  cuydados. 

O  fiera  muerte  que  mi  bien  llebaste, 
Insana,  mira  ya  que  conseguiste, 
Pues  por  tu  causa  todo  queda  triste, 
Despues  que  el  cielo  al  suelo  le  quitaste. 

Si  solo  un  cuerpo  piensas  que  priuaste 
De  vida  con  el  golpe  que  hiziste, 
Enganaste,  qui  a  dos  la  muerte  diste, 
Ya  todo  el  orbe  sin  el  sol  dexaste. 

Terrible  nuncio  de  mi  dura  muerte, 
No  pretendas  jamas  mi  compafiia, 
Que  muero  aunque  es  de  viva  mi  diuisa. 

Al  punto  feneci  que  mal  tan  fuerte 
Supe  pues  de  contino  residia 
En  la  de  Flamio  el  alma  de  Fenisa  (fol.  243-244). 

"  No  pudo  pasar  adelante  con  su  canto,  la  triste  pastora : 
mas  llegando  aquestos  postreros  versos :  hecho  un  nudo  en 
la  garganta,  faltando  a  los  penados  ojos  humor,  que  dis- 
tilar:  sollogando,  y  aun  paresciendo  ahogarse  con  la  pena: 
cayendosele  la  gampona  de  las  manos,  desmayada,  le  fue 
forgado  dexar  se  tender  sobre  la  verde  yerua." 


THE  NYMPHS  AND  SHEPHERDS  OF  THE  HE- 

NARES,  BY  BERNARDO  GONZALEZ 

DE  BOUADILLA. 

THE  next  pastoral  romance  to  make  its  appearance  was 
the  Nymphs  and  Shepherds  of  the  Henares,  by  Bernardo 
Gongalez  de  Bouadilla,  a  student  at  Salamanca.1  This  also 
was  one  of  the  volumes  in  Don  Quixote's  famous  library,2 
but  the  priest  shows  its  short  shrift  and  immediately  hands 
it  over  to  the  secular  arm  of  the  housekeeper,  to  be  com- 
mitted to  the  flames;  nor  does  it  find  greater  favor  at  the 
hands  of  Cervantes  in  the  Viage  del  Parnaso,  where  it  ac- 
companies another  pastoral  romance,  The  Shepherd  of 
Iberia,  by  Bernardo  de  la  Vega : 

For  many  hast  thou  raised  to  Fortune's  height, 
Who  still  in  dark  Oblivion's  den  should  be, 
Without  or  Sun  or  Moon  to  give  them  light; 

Iberia's  shepherd,  grand  Bernardo  he 

Had  in  thy  mission  neither  lot  nor  part, 
Who  bears  La  Vega's  surname  and  degree; 

Thou  hadst  an  envious,  careless,  sluggish  heart, 
And  at  Henares'  Nymphs  and  Shepherds  fine, 
As  if  they  were  thy  foes,  didst  hurl  thy  dart; 

And  yet,  within  that  great  sheepfold  of  thine, 
Worse  poets  hast  thou,  who  must  sweat  and  strain, 
If  they  would  better  be,  as  I  opine!  3 

1  Primera  Parte  de  las  Nimphas  y  Pastores  de  Henares.    Diuidida 
en  seys  libros.    Compuesta  por  Bernardo  Gonzalez  de  Bouadilla  Estu- 
diante  en  la  insigne  Vniuersidad  de  Salamdca.    Dirigida  al  Licenciado 
Guardiola  del  Consejo  del  Rey  nuestro  Senor.     Con  Privilegio.     Im- 
pressa     in     Alcala     de     Henares,     por     Juan     Gracian.       Ano     de 
MDLXXXVII.     A   costa  de  luan   Garcia  mercader  de  Libros.     8°, 
215  ff. 

2  Don  Quixote,  Part  I,  Chaps,  vi  and  ix.    It  is  a  volume  of  such  ex- 
traordinary rarity  that  Clemencin,  in  his  note  to  the  passage,  states 
that  he  had  never  seen  it. 

1  Journey  to  Parnassus  composed  by  Miguel  de  Cervantes  Saavedra, 

133 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Nothing  seems  to  be  known  of  Bernardo  Gongalez  de 
Bouadilla  save  what  he  himself  tells  us,  that  he  was  a 
native  of  the  Canary  Islands,  and  a  student  at  Salamanca. 
The  author  explains  his  motive  for  writing  about  the  Hen- 
ares  :  "  that  peaceful  stream,  of  little  renown  in  literature 

for  lack  of  knowledge  in  the  writers For,  living  by 

the  level  banks  of  the  Tormes,  where  celebrated  Salamanca 
is  situated,  and  being  a  native  of  the  famous  Canary 
Islands,  it  may  seem  extraordinary  in  me  to  attempt  to 
describe  what  my  eyes  have  never  seen.  And  that  it  may 
not  seem  a  mere  idle  whim  of  mine  to  meddle  with  matters 
of  which  I  have  no  knowledge,  be  it  known  that  I  was 
moved  solely  by  having  heard  a  companion  of  mine,  a 
native  of  the  famous  Alcala,  bestow  such  praise  upon  its 
river,  tell  such  marvelous  tales  of  the  country,  so  eulogize 
the  beauty  of  its  ladies  and  the  courtliness  and  wit  of  its 
gallants,  that  I  was  naturally  inclined  to  describe  in  my 
rude  prose  and  ill-turned  verse  what  my  companion  had 
related  of  the  Summer  festivities,"  etc. 

He  then  sends  his  book  into  the  world  with  the  follow- 
ing envoy: 

Bernardo  a  su  Libro. 

j  O  pobre  librillo  mio, 

Pues  desciendes  de  aldeanos! 

Mas  te  valiera  en  los  llanos 

Apacentar  tu  cabrio, 

Que  tratar  con  cortesanos. 

The  work,  of  mixed  prose  and  verse,  is  divided  into  six 
books.  The  verse  is  better  than  the  prose  and  is  generally 
agreeable,  easy  and  graceful.1 

translated  into  English  tercets,  with  preface  and  illustrative  notes  by 
James  Y.  Gibson,  London,  1883,  p.  143. 
1  Gallardo,  Ensayo,  III,  col.  86.     In  a  subsequent  volume,  in  which 


NYMPHS  AND  SHEPHERDS  OF  THE  HENARES 


135 


Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  examined  the  copy  of 
the  Nymphs  and  Shepherds  of  the  Henares  in  the  British 
Museum.  It  begins  as  follows : 

"  En  las  umbrosas  riberas  que  el  apacible  Henares  con 
mansas  y  claras  olas  f  ertiliza,  andaua  el  pastor  Florino  mas 
cuydadoso  de  alimentar  el  fuego  que  en  su  corazon  se  cri- 
aua,  que  de  apacentar  su  ganado  por  las  viciosas  y  rega- 
ladas  yeruas  de  los  floridos  prados.  Pastor  que  en  un 
tiempo  toda  su  gloria  tenia  puesta  en  mirar  libremente  los 
sonorosos  arroyuelos,  que  por  entre  blances  guijas  se  de- 
rramauan :  y  los  f  rondosos  salzes  transluzidos  en  la  claridad 
de  las  espejadas  aguas:  y  en  oyr  cantar  dulcemente  los 
paxarillos  que  meneando  las  harpadas  lenguas  hinchen  los 
ayres  de  suaues  accentos.  Mas  agora  tiene  tan  mudado  el 
gusto  que  sino  es  quando  sus  ojos  presurosas  lagrimas  vier- 
ten  no  puede  sentir  rastro  de  alegria,  por  darle  la  fortuna 
no  menores  encuentros,  que  el  amoroso  fuego  descon- 
fiangas.  Siempre  andaua  en  la  consideracion  de  su  mal 
excessiuo,  que  de  dia  ni  de  noche,  le  consentia  un  punto 
poder  dar  a  sus  cansados  miembros  algun  aliuio.  Viendose 
pues  en  un  lugar  solitario  y  vestido  de  las  riquezas  del 
alegre  verano,  forgado  de  su  profundo  sentimiento,  de  un 
lanudo  gurron  saco  un  pulido  instrumento  y  tocandole  es- 
paciosamente,  esparcio  la  voz  por  el  ayre  deste  suerte : 

"  Dorada  aurora  que  con  luz  hermosa 
Tanto  esclareces  la  terrena  esphera, 
en  ti  comienga  mi  congoxa  fiera 
a  cobrar  fuerza  en  mi  serena  Diosa. 
Horrida  noche,  obscura  y  tenebrosa 
de  mi  dolor  esquiuo  mensagera, 
pues  mientras  passas  tu  veloz  carrera 
passo  vida  mas  triste  y  mas  penosa. 

Gallardo  again  treats  of  our  author  (iv,  col.  1187),  he  says:  "although 
there  are  some  well-turned  verses,  there  are  scarcely  any  that  rise 
above  mediocrity." 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Tu,  Diosa,  que  de  gracias  y  grandeza 
tienes  a  Amor  un  templo  fabricado, 
sobre  cordura  y  virginal  limpieza, 
do  fuerc.as  yr  el  coragon  prendado 
a  dar  la  libertad  a  tu  belleza, 
tu  tambien  el  mio  has  sojuzgado." 

"  Dando  a  entender  que  no  solamente  el,  pero  muchos  y 
muy  pulidos  pastores  amauan  a  la  hermosa  Roselia,  la  mas 
linda  pastora  que  en  todas  aquellas  riberas  apacentaua 
ganado.  Inuidiada  de  las  bellas  ciudadanas  y  sefioras,  acos- 
tumbradas  a  conuersar  con  caualleros  cortesanos.  Que 
aunque  en  rusticos  exercicios  criada  y  nacida,  las  sobre- 
pujaua  a  todas  en  discrecion  y  belleza  de  grande  honestidad 
acompanada.  Sus  cabellos  eran  como  el  oro  de  Arabia  en 
madexuelas  compuesto,  su  blanca  frente,  mas  luziente  que 
el  cristal,  sus  ojos  amorosos,  zarcos  y  modestos,  la  nariz 
proporcionada,  todo  su  rostro  quajado  de  blanquisima 
leche,  sus  labios  vertiendo  sangre,  sus  mexillas  mas  que 
los  corales  finos  coloradas,  las  manos  rollizas  y  de  tal 
suerte,  que  parecian  hechas  de  las  sabrosas  mantequillas  de 
su  aldea.  No  podia  el  rigor  del  Sol  ardiente  empecer  el 
resplandor  de  su  lustroso  rostro,  ni  el  pesadillo  cayado  ex- 
asperar  sus  ternissimas  manos." 

It  will  be  seen  that  all  the  defects  of  the  pastoral  romance 
are  accentuated  in  this  work.  Indeed,  it  would  be  hard  to 
find  anything  more  absurd  than  the  "  Nymphs  and  Shep- 
herds of  the  Henares,"  and  it  was  such  books  as  this  that 
brought  upon  the  pastoral  romances  the  ridicule  with  which 
Cervantes  treats  some  of  them.1 

1  To  an  interesting  volume  of  essays  by  Zerolo,  Legajo  de  Varios, 
Paris,  1897,  Sr.  Jose  Maria  Asensio  contributes  a  short  article  on  the 
relations  between  Cervantes  and  Gonzalez  de  Bouadilla,  in  which  he 
conjectures  that  Cervantes  may  have  been  the  student  at  Salamanca 
referred  to  above  as  having  suggested  the  "  Nymphs  and  Shepherds 
of  the  Henares"  to  its  author.  Sr.  Asensio's  article,  however,  is  not 
convincing. 


THE  "  SHEPHERD  OF  IBERIA,"  BY  BERNARDO 
DE  LA  VEGA. 

THIS  romance,  which  appeared  at  Seville  in  I59I,1  was 
likewise  upon  the  library  shelves  of  the  famous  Manchegan 
Knight,  and  it,  too,  was  incontinently  committed  to  the 
rubbish  heap  in  the  yard.2  Nicolas  Antonio  tells  us  that 
Bernardo  de  la  Vega  was  a  native  of  Madrid  and  canon  of 
Tucuman,  an  assertion  that  is  not  accepted  by  Clemencin.3 
I  have  never  seen  this  romance,  which,  according  to  Gal- 
lardo  is  composed  of  prose  and  verse  and  is  divided  into 
four  books.4 

1  El  Pastor  de  Iberia,  compuesto  por  Bernardo  de  la  Vega,  gentil- 
hombre  andaluz.    Dirigido  a  D.  J .  Tellez  Giron,  Duque  y  Conde  de 
Urena,  Camarero-mayor  del  Rey  nuestro  senor  y  su  Notario  mayor 
de  los  reinos  de  Castillo  (Escudo).    Con  privilegio  en  Sevilla,  en  casa 
de  J.  de  Leon,  impresor,  1591.    A  costa  de  Bernardo  de  la  Vega.    Gal- 
lardo,  Ensayo,  IV,  col.  957. 

2  See  above,  p.  133. 

8  Don  Quixote,  ed.  Clemencin,  Vol.  I,  Madrid,  1833,  p.  144,  n.  That 
Bernardo  de  la  Vega  had  visited  the  Indies  seems  probable  from  an- 
other work  of  which  he  was  the  author :  La  bella  Cotalda  y  Cerco  de 
Paris;  Relacion  de  las  Grandezas  del  Piru,  Mexico  y  los  Angeles. 
Mexico,  Melchor  de  Ocharte,  1601.  8°.  Graesse,  p.  270.  El  Canonigo 
Bernardo  de  la  Vega  also  contributed  some  verses  to  a  volume  pub- 
lished in  Mexico  in  1600.  Salva,  Catdlogo,  No.  351. 

*  It  is  thus  described  by  Clemencin :  "  El  lenguage  es  malo :  se 
truecan  los  tiempos  de  los  verbos,  y  se  encuentran  solecismos.  La  in- 
vention corresponde  al  lenguage.  El  pastor  Filardo,  que  hace  el  primer 
papel  en  la  novela,  es  perseguido  por  sospechos  de  asesinato :  le 
prende  el  alguacil  de  la  aldea:  se  libra  por  el  favor  de  dos  padrinos 
que  tiene  en  Sevilla :  se  embarca  en  Sanliicar :  vuelvenle  a  prender  in 
Canarias :  vuelve  a  librarle  otro  padrino.  La  pastora  Marfisa,  amante 
de  Filardo,  hace  tantos  6  mas  versos  que  su  pastor :  y  este  los  hace 

137 


138  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

llenos  de  erudicion  mitologica  e  historica,  y  alegando  a  Platon,  a 
Nebrija  y  al  concilio  de  Trento.  Entre  otras  lindezas  escribia  Filardo 
a  su  padrino  de  Canarias: 

"  En  Espana  passe  vida  tranquila 
Gozando  con  quietud  mis  verdes  afios 
No  invidiando  a  Nestor  ni  a  la  Sibila." 

Don  Quixote,  Vol.  I,  p.  144,  note. 

Cervantes  ridicules  "The  Shepherd  of  Iberia"  in  his  "Journey  to 
Parnassus,"  Book  iv.     See  above. 


THE  "ENAMORADA  ELISEA"  OF  COVARRUBIAS. 

IN  1594  there  appeared  at  Valladolid  a  pastoral  romance 
entitled  La  Enamorada  Elisea,  by  Jeronimo  de  Cobarrubias 
Herrera.1  It  is  composed  of  five  books  in  prose  and  verse, 
in  the  manner  of  the  Diana,  the  scene  being  laid  in  Egypt, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  According  to  Gayangos  2  it  con- 
tains some  beautiful  poetry,  especially  a  dialogue  between 
Felix  and  Elisea  in  the  second  book.  The  fourth  contains 
five  eclogues  and  a  novel  entitled  "  The  Loves  of  Florisuaro 
and  Alcida,"  written  wholly  in  verse.  The  fifth  book, 
which  has  no  connection  whatever  with  the  rest  of  the 
work,  is  composed  of  canciones,  glosas,  octavas,  sonnets, 
etc.,  and  is  a  sort  of  cancionero,  in  which  there  are  four 
compositions  on  the  death  of  Queen  Dona  Ana,  wife  of 
Philip  II.  (1580),  a  reply  of  Abindarraez  to  Xarifa, 
written  in  redondillas  and  a  romance  of  Rodrigo  de  Nar- 
vaez,  which  is  of  interest,  in  connection  with  the  tale  of 
Montemayor.  It  is  as  follows: 

En  el  tiempo  que  reinaba 
Fernando,  bravo  guerrero, 
Hubo  un  alcaide  en  Alora, 
Animoso  caballero, 

1  Los  cinco  Libras  intitulados  La  enamorada  Elisea,  compuestos  par 
Jeronimo  de  Cobarrubias  Herrera,  vecino  de  la  -villa  de  Medina  de 
Rio  seco,  residente  en  Valladolid.    Dirigidos  a  D.  Felipe  II.,  primero 
rey  de  las  Espanas,  nuestro  Senor.     Con  licencia  impreso  en  Valla- 
dolid por  Luis  Delgadb,  impresor,  1594.    8°,  pp.  255.     Of  all  the  pas- 
toral romances,  this,  in  the  opinion  of  Salva,  is  the  rarest. 

2  Ticknor,  History  of  Spanish  Lit.,  Spanish  tr.,  Ill,  p.  542. 

139 


140  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

A  quien  llamaban  Narvaez 
(Rodrigo  el  nombre  primero), 
Eh  las  armas  y  caballo 
Astuto,  diestro  y  ligero. 
Este  en  ganar  Antequera 
Se  halla  ser  el  primero 
Por  eso  la  fuerza  della 
Se  la  entrega  al  caballero; 
Entrambas  fuerzas  tenia, 
Por  ser  fiel  y  verdadero, 
Mas  habitaba  en  Alora 
Este  valiente  guerrero 
Con  cincuenta  caballeros 
A  sueldo  del  rey  severo. 
Pues  una  noche  en  verano, 
No  con  la  luz  del  lucero, 
Mas  con  la  clara  Diana 
Que  alumbre  el  valle  y  otero, 
Salio  il  valeroso  alcaide 
Con  cuatro  por  un  sendero, 
Echando  per  otra  parte 
Otros  cinco  de  su  fuero, 
Todos  pon  lanzas  y  adargas, 
Con  animo  verdadero 
Van  a  recorrer  el  campo, 
Por  si  topan  caballero 
Que  puedan  traer  a  Alora 
Rendido  por  prisionero; 
Entre  si  van  concertados 
De  hacerse  sena  primero 
Si  sienten  gente  en  el  campo, 
Si  encuentran  aventurero. 
Ya  que  llegaban  los  cinco 
Sin  el  alcaide  guerrero. 
A  vista  de  una  emboscada, 
Por  debajo  de  un  palero, 
Vieron  con  la  clara  luna 
Un  gallardo  caballero, 
Y  no  en  caballo  morcillo, 
Alazan,  bayo  ni  overo, 
Mas  era  rucio  rodado, 
Al  parecer,  muy  ligero, 
Con  marlota  de  damasco 
Carmesi,  traje  extranjero, 


THE  ENAMORADA  ELISEA  OF  COVARRUBIAS       I4I 

Borcegui,  toca  morisca, 
Como  moro  verdadero. 
Una  lanza  de  los  hierros, 
Con  una  adarga  de  cuero, 
Cantando  en  algarabia 
Las  palabras  que  refiero : 
"  En  Cartama  f  ui  criado, 
Nasci  en  Granada  primero, 
Tengo  mi  dama  en  Coin, 
Y  de  Alora  soy  frontero." 
Los  cinco,  que  al  moro  vieron 
Con  animo  verdadero, 
Dieron  sobre  el  fuerte  moro, 
Y  el  acometio  ligero, 
Tanto,  que  al  primero  encuentro 
Se  derroco  un  caballero ; 
Y  volviendose  a  los  otros, 
Siguio  el  segundo  al  primero : 
De  suerte  les  apretaba, 
Que  lo  mismo  hizo  al  tercero. 
A  esta  sazon  los  otros 
Hizen  serial  al  guerrero, 
Que  es  Rodrigo  de  Narvaez, 
El  cual  llego  muy  ligero, 
Y  se  puso  rostro  a  rostro 
Contra  el  enemigo  fiero, 
Que  era  dispuesto  y  tallado 
Cual  nunca  se  vio  Rugero 
En  busca  de  Bradamante 
En  medio  del  campo  fiero ; 
Al  cual  dio  ciertas  heridas 
Y  rindio  por  prisionero. 

In  general  the  author's  versification  is  said  to  be  easy  and 
fluent;  at  the  end  of  the  third  book  he  promises  a  second 
part  of  the  Elisea,  which  never  appeared,  nor  have  the  two 
comedias,  which  he  promised,  so  far  as  I  know.  As  is 
frequently  the  case  in  these  pastoral  romances,  Gallardo 
says,  the  story  in  the  Enamorada  Elisea  is  a  mere  thread 
upon  which  to  string  a  number  of  poems,  "  not  sufficient  to 
make  a  book,  but  quite  enough  to  adorn  a  tale." 


THE  "  ARCADIA  "  OF  LOPE  DE  VEGA. 

IN  1598  Lope  de  Vega  published  his  Arcadia.1  Both 
Ticknor  2  and  Schack  3  state  that  it  was  written  for  Lope's 
patron,  Don  Antonio  of  Toledo,  Duke  of  Alba,  and  grand- 
son to  the  great  Duke  of  that  name.  This  statement  is  evi- 
dently made  upon  the  authority  of  Montalvan,  who  says 
that  Lope  entered  the  service  of  the  Duke  of  Alba  shortly 
after  his  return  from  the  University  of  Alcala;  that  the 
Duke  not  only  made  Lope  his  secretary,  but  also  his  favorite 
(>yw  valido},  a  favor  which  Lope  repaid  by  writing  at  the 
Duke's  direction  "  la  ingeniosa  Arcadia,"  etc.  This  is  not 
altogether  accurate;  Lope  did  not  enter  the  service  of  the 
Duke  of  Alba  till  1590,  and  in  March,  1595,  he  was  still 
attached  to  the  household  of  the  Duke.4  Ticknor  asserts, 
moreover,  that  the  Arcadia  was  written  immediately  after 
the  publication  of  the  Galatea  of  Cervantes  in  1584,  which 
is,  of  course,  impossible.  Barrera,  discrediting  the  above 

1  Arcadia,  Prosas  y  Versos  de  Lope  de  Vega  Carpio,  Secretario  del 
Marques  de  Sarria.     Con  una  exposition  de  los  nobres  Historicos,  y 
Poeticos.     A  Don  Pedro   Telles  Giron,  Duque  de   Osuna,   &c.  Con 
Privilegio.     En   Madrid,  Par  Luis   Sanchez.     Ano    1598.     8°.     The 
title  surrounded  by  a  border;  above  a  scroll,  with  the  legend:  "  Este 
Giron  para  el  suelo,  saco  de  su  capa  el  cielo  " ;  below,  also  in  a  scroll : 
"De  Bernardo  es  el  blason,  Las   desdichas  mias  son."     There  is  a 
copy  of  this  exceedingly  rare  first  edition  in  the  Ticknor  library. 

2  History  of  Spanish  Literature,  Boston,  1888,  Vol.  II,  p.  185. 

8  Geschichte    der   dramatischen   Literatur   und   Kunst   in    Spanien, 
Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1854,  Vol.  II,  p.  166. 

*  Rennert,  Life  of  Lope  de  Vega,  Glasgow,  1904,  pp.  39,  64,  98,  et 
passim. 
142 


THE  ARCADIA  OF  LOPE  DE  VEGA 


143 


statement  of  Montalvan,  adds :  "  all  indications  seem  to 
prove  that  the  Arcadia  must  have  been  written  shortly 
before  the  year  1598,  in  which  it  first  appeared  in  print."  * 
Perhaps  we  can  determine  the  date  of  composition  a  little 
more  precisely.  In  fact  Barrera  finally  fixes  it  between 
1592  and  1596; 2  the  first  date  being  determined  by  a  sup- 
posed reference  in  the  Arcadia  to  the  death  of  Lope's  first 
wife,  Dona  Isabel  de  Urbina,  which  Barrera  believed  took 
place  in  1592.  I  have  shown,  however,  that,  in  all  proba- 
bility, Doiia  Isabel  did  not  die  till  some  time  after  April 
22,  I595-3  That  the  Arcadia  was  written  while  Lope  was 
still  in  the  service  of  Duke  Antonio  of  Alba,  is  proved  by 
his  own  words  in  his  "  Eclogue  to  Claudio  " : 

"  Siruiendo  al  generoso  Duque  Albano, 
Escriui  del  Arcadia  los  Pastor  es, 
Bucolicos  amores 
Ocultos  siempre  en  vano, 
Cuya  zampona  de  mis  patrios  lares 
Los  sauzes  animo  de  Manganares."  * 

There  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  (as  had  long  since  been 
pointed  out  by  Barrera,  op.  cit.,  p.  66)  that  the  passage  near 
the  close  of  the  Arcadia,  entitled :  "  Belardo  a  la  Campona," 
refers  to  the  death  of  Dona  Isabel ;  he  speaks  of  the  banks 
of  the  Manganares,  which  he  had  left  "  to  seek  a  new  lord 
(dueno}  and  a  new  life  ";  and  continues:  "  Que  mas  vale, 
quando  se  perdio  algun  bien,  huyr  del  lugar  en  que  se  tenia. 
...  La  f  ortuna  llevo  dudosa :  pero  que  puede  suceder  mal, 
a  quien  en  su  vida  tuuo  bien?  El  que  yo  tenia  perdi,  mas 

1  Barrera,  Nueva  Biografia,  in  Obras  de  Lope  de  Vega  (Academy's 
ed.),  Madrid,  1890,  Vol.  I,  p.  42,  n. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  65,  66. 

8  Life  of  Lope  de  Vega,  p.  106. 

*La  Vega  del  Parnaso,  Madrid,  1637,  fol.  96. 


144 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 


porque  no  le  merecia  gozar,  que  porque  no  le  supe  conocer, 
etc.  This  supposition  is  strengthened  by  the  epistle  to 
Placido  de  Tosantos,  Bishop  of  Oviedo,  written  long  after- 
wards, and  inserted  in  the  Circe  (written  after  1619  and 
before  1623),  in  which  Lope  says:  "  After  time  made  you 
a  courtier  and  I  left  the  Alba  of  Duke  Antonio,  my  sun 
having  suffered  a  human  eclipse."  That  this  is  an  allusion 
to  the  death  of  his  wife  is  almost  certain.1 

The  Arcadia  was  therefore  written  between  1590  and 
1595.  In  another  passage  Barrera  concludes  that  1592- 
1594  is  the  period  during  which  this  pastoral  was  written.2 
While  his  deduction  is  the  result  of  pure  conjecture,  there 
is  other  evidence  which  enables  us  to  say  with  some  degree 
of  certainty  that  the  Arcadia  was  written,  or  the  greater 
part  of  it,  at  least,  before  1594.  It  is  found  in  a  ballad 
which  appeared  in  that  year,3  and  in  which  mention  is  made 
of  "  the  great  shepherd  Albano,  who  is  grazing  his  flocks 
on  the  banks  of  the  Tormes." 

1  See  Life  of  Lope  de  Vega,  p.  106. 

2  Op.  cit.,  p.  68.     In  a  poem  inserted  in  Book  V.  of  the  Arcadia, 
near  the  close  of  the  work,  we  are  told  that  the  young  Antonio  (el 
nueuo  Antonio)   is  still  unmarried   (p.  457,  ed.  of   1605)  ;  but  we  do 
not  know  when  Don  Antonio  married  Da.  Mencia  de  Mendoza,  daugh- 
ter of  the  Duke  of  Infantado,  nor  do  we  know  when  their  eldest  son, 
D.  Fernando  Jacinto  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Duke  of  Huescar  was  born. 
Sr.  Barrera  piles  one  hypothesis  upon  another  in  order  to  reach  his 
conclusion,  though  he  hits  very  close  to  the  mark,  as  we  shall  see. 
If  we  knew  when  D.  Antonio  was  born,  all  would  be  settled  definitely, 
for  in   Book  IV.   we  are  told  that  he  was  twenty-three  years   old. 
Likewise  the   death  of  the   shepherd   Anfriso's    (Antonio's)    mother, 
the  shepherdess  Bresinda  (i.  e.  Da.  Brianda  de  Beaumont,  Countess  of 
Lerin,  mother  of  the  Duke  Antonio)  is  mentioned  in  Book  IV.     But 
this  date  is  also  unknown  to  me.    Ibid.,  p.  67. 

8 -In  the  Sexta  Parte  de  Flor  de  Romances  Nuevos  Recopilados  de 
muchos  Autorcs,  por  Pedro  Flores,  Librero.  Toledo,  1594.  The  Tassa 
is  of  July  9,  1594.  In  the  Prologo  to  this  Parte,  there  is  a  ballad, 


THE  ARCADIA  OF  LOPE  DE  VEGA 

After  this  long  digression  concerning  the  date  of  com- 
position of  the  Arcadia,  which  we  are  unable  to  fix  more 
precisely  than  some  time  between  1591  and  1594,  when 
Lope  was  certainly  living  with  his  wife  Dona  Isabel  de 
Urbina  at  Alba  de  Tormes,  let  us  turn  to  our  main  purpose. 
The  protagonist  of  the  Arcadia,  disguised  under  the  name 
of  Anfriso,  is  Don  Antonio,  Duke  of  Alba,  and  the  story 
"  relates  the  unhappy  love  affairs  of  this  noble."  The 

which  Ticknor  conjectures  upon  strong  evidencee,  to  be  the  work  of 
Lope  de  Vega.    The  verses  are: 

***** 

Junte,  en  nombre  de  Riselo, 
De  Lisardo  y  de  Belardo, 
Mil  vocables  pastoriles 
Bien  compuestos  y  ordenados; 
Una  amorosa  porfia 
De  zagal  enamorado, 
Un  Duque  y  un  Conde  puesto 
En  abito  disfragado, 
Ora  que  se  finge  £ayde, 
Ora  el  gran  pastor  Albano 
Que  en  las  riberas  del  Tormes 
Apacienta  su  ganado." 

See  Ticknor,  History  of  Spanish  Literature,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  479.  Here 
Belardo  =  Lope  de  Vega ;  Riselo  =  Pedro  Linan  y  Riaza,  and 
Lisardo  =  Luis  de  Vargas  Manrique,  the  two  latter  great  friends  of 
Lope.  Lope's  dedication  of  the  Arcadia  to  "  Don  Pedro  Tellez  Giron, 
Duque  de  Osuna,"  also  furnishes  evidence  as  to  the  date  of  composi- 
tion of  that  work.  He  says :  "  Al  Duque,  que  Dios  tiene,  auia  yo 
dirigido  mi  Arcadia,  y  no  pudiendo  imprimirla  entonces,"  etc.  The 
Duke  to  whom  Lope  alludes  as  being  then  deceased  was  Don  Juan 
Tellez  Giron,  second  Duke  of  Osuna  and  first  Marquis  de  Penafiel. 
According  to  Bethencourt,  Historia  Genealogica  y  Herdldica  de  la 
Monarquia  Espanola,  Madrid,  1890.  Vol.  II,  p,  555,  this  Duke  died 
November  25,  1600.  That  this  date  is  impossible  is  shown  by  the 
Arcadia  itself,  which  appeared  in  1598.  Rodriguez  Marin,  Pedro  de 
Espinosa,  p.  185,  says  that  he  died  in  1594.  This  date  is  consonant 
with  other  known  facts,  and  again  fixes  the  composition  of  the  Arcadia 
before  that  year.  The  passage  "  Belardo  a  la  Campona "  was  added, 
in  all  probability,  a  year  or  more  after  the  work  had  been  written. 


146  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Arcadia  is  clearly  modeled  on  the  '  Arcadia  '  of  Sannazaro. 
Lope  tells  us  as  much  in  the  Segunda  Parte  de  las  Rimas 
(Madrid,  1602,  fol.  243)  in  the  dedication  to  Don  Juan 
de  Arguijo,  where  he  quotes  the  opening  sentence  of  San- 
nazaro's  prologue.  He  justifies  his  imitation  in  these  terms : 
"  The  eclogues  of  these  shepherds  are  not  to  be  found  fault 
with  because  they  are  imitated,  nor  is  the  argument  of 
the  Angelica  because  the  framework  is  Ariosto's, — for  he 
likewise  took  it  from  Count  Mateo  Maria  [Boiardo]." 
He  does  not  write  his  Arcadia  for  the  common  crowd,  say- 
ing :  "  It  is  not  well  in  writing,  to  use  expressions  so  un- 
usual that  they  are  not  intelligible  to  anybody,  for  if  by 
chance  the  matter  be  obscure  those  who  are  unlettered  con- 
demn the  book,  because  they  would  have  it  filled  with  tales 
and  novels,  a  thing  that  is  unworthy  of  men  of  letters,  for 
it  is  not  fitting  that  their  books  should  circulate  among 
artisans  and  ignorant  persons,  for,  when  the  object  is  not 
to  teach,  one  should  not  write  for  those  who  are  unable  to 
understand."  (Ibid.,  fol.  245v.) 

The  Arcadia  is  a  true  story,  Lope  says  (Ibid.,  fol.  244), 
and  it  must  have  been  primarily  intended  for  those  who 
could  understand  it.  In  the  prologo  he  tells  us  that  his 
shepherds  "  are  not  so  rude  that  they  may  not,  at  times, 
rise  from  shepherds  to  courtiers,  and  from  rustics  to  phil- 
osophers," and :  "  If,  in  describing  another's  misfortunes 
I  have  not  succeeded,  my  excuse  is  that  nobody  can  speak 
well  in  the  thoughts  of  another ;  "  though  he  admits  that  in 
this  pastoral  he  has  wept  not  only  the  misfortunes  of  an- 
other, but  also  his  own. 

The  scene  of  the  Arcadia  is  laid  "  Entre  las  dulces  aguas 
del  caudaloso  Erimanto  y  el  Ladon  f  ertil,  (  f amosos  y  claros 
rios  de  la  pastoral  Arcadia,  la  mas  intima  region  del  Pelo- 
ponesso)  .  .  .  alii  estaua  el  bianco  Narcisso  listado  de  oro, 
oloroso  testigo  de  la  filaucia,  y  amor  propio,  de  aquel  man- 


THE  ARCADIA  OF  LOPE  DE  VEGA 


147 


cebo  que  engano  la  fuente,  y  la  rosa  encarnada,  que  resti- 
tuyo  a  Apuleyo  en  su  primera  forma,  nacida  de  la  sangre 
de  los  pies  de  Venus,  quando  corriendo  por  las  espinas,  fue 
a  socorrer  a  Adonis;  y  la  flor  en  que  por  ella  fue  trans- 
formado  no  menos  olorosa  que  su  madre  Myrra:  y  el  lino 
en  que  se  conuirtio  su  esposo  de  Hypermestra,  tan  seme- 
jante  a  los  que  aman  por  sus  infinites  martyrios:  y  tan 
florido  y  verde,  que  parecia  que  despreciaua  el  lino  Indiano, 
que  tanto  admiro  los  antiguos,  viendole  resistir  al  fuego; 
la  aguzena,  que  tomo  la  Aurora  del  bianco  seno  de  la  Nynfa 
Clorida :  y  la  flor  que  fue  engendrada  de  las  lagrimas  de  la 
Troyana  Helena,  tan  fauorable  a  la  hermosura  de  las  mu- 
geres,  etc.  .  .  .  Por  la  una  parte  las  juncosas  margenes  de 
un  pequeno  brago  del  Erimanto  f ertilizauan :  y  por  la  otra 
unos  arroyos  puros,  que  de  una  sierra  baxauan  de  los  elados 
vientos  del  Inuierno,  las  espaldas  le  defendian.  Esta  eterna 
habitacion  de  Faunos,  y  Amadryades,  era  tan  celebrada  de 
enamorados  pensamientos,  que  a  penas  en  toda  la  espessura 
se  hallara  tronco  sin  mote  escrito  en  el  liso  papel  de  su  cor- 
teza  tierna,  porque  ni  el  rio  corrio  jamas  sin  amorosas  lag- 
rimas, ni  respondio  la  parlera  Eco  menos  que  a  tristes 
quexas :  porque  hasta  los  dukes  cantos  de  las  libres  aues 
repetian  enternecidos  sentimientos,  y  las  indomables  fieras, 
con  mal  formados  bramidos  enamoradas  lastimas,"  *  etc. 

The  heroine  is  Belisarda,  "  as  unhappy  as  she  is  beauti- 
ful," who  loved  Anfriso  castamente.  In  a  dream  she  sees 
"  her  beloved  Anfriso  in  the  arms  of  another  shepherdess, 
who  called  him  husband,"  and  now  she  sings  the  following 
song: 

0  burlas  de  amor  ingrato, 

Que  todas  soys  de  una  suerte, 
Suefio,  imagen  de  la  meurte, 
Y  de  la  vida  retrato. 
Que  importa  que  se  desuelen 

1  Arcadia,  Anveres,  1605,  p.  18. 


1 48  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Los  interiores  sentidos, 

Si  los  de  afuera  dormidos 

Sufrir  sus  enganos  suelen. 
Yo  vi  sin  ojos  mi  dueno 

En  agena  voluntad : 

Que  pudiera  la  verdad 

Si  pudo  matarme  el  Sueiio? 
Donde  dormir  presumi, 

Descanse  para  mi  dano, 

Que  el  sueno  de  amor  engano 

Me  ha  desenganado  a  mi. 
Amorsosas  fantasias 

Suenan  alegres  historias; 

Yo  sola  en  agenas  glorias 

Contemplo  desdichas  mias. 
Porque  con  ser  mis  contentos 

Sueno  ligero  y  fingido ; 

Aun  en  suenos  he  tenido 

Fingidos  contentamientos. 
O  triste  imaginacion 

Para  el  mal  siempre  despierta, 

Quien  dira,  viendo  os  tan  cierta, 

Que  los  suenos  suenos  son? 
Que  si  no  son  desvarios, 

Ver  a  Anfriso  en  otros  brac.os, 

Antes  de  tales  abragos 

Se  bueluen  laurel  con  mios.  etc.  (pp.  24-25). 

Anfriso,  coming  through  the  trees,  approaches  Belisarda, 
whom  he  addresses  in  the  most  extravagant  language,  after 
which  he  makes  the  following  vow :  "  The  sun  shall  first 
set  in  the  East  and  rise  in  the  West,  the  snows  of  the  Alps 
be  united  in  peace  with  the  flames  of  Aetna,  or  the  dangers 
of  Scylla  and  the  Ausonian  sea  be  joined  with  the  shore  of 
Sicily,  ere  I  shall  cease  to  be  thine  "  (p.  29).  Aqui  con  un 
abraqo  honesto,  ligava  Belisarda  el  venturoso  cuello  del 
enternecido  Anfriso,  when  they  hear  Leriano  and  Galafron 
singing : 

A  quien  yela  el  desden,  y  el  amor  arde, 
Que  sufra  ingratitud  a  su  despecho, 
Por  mas  que  en  mi  enemiga  me  acouarde 


THE  ARCADIA  OF  LOPE  DE  VEGA 

De  piedra  el  coragon,  de  nieue  el  pecho: 
Y  que  en  el  alma  sus  agrauios  guarde, 
Reduzidos  al  punto  mas  estrecho, 
Porque  tarde  o  temprano,  siempre  alcanna 
Un  largo  amor  justissima  venganc.a. 

Un  largo  amor  justissima  venganc.a 
Pide  a  los  cielos  de  un  ingrato  oluido, 
Que  ni  tiene  a  si  mismo  semejanga, 
Ni  se  parece  a  quanto  es  oy,  ni  ha  sido: 
Todo  animal  que  algun  sentido  alcanga, 
Su  deuda  paga  a  amor  de  aquel  sentido, 
Quien  no  conoce  a  amor,  ni  vee,  ni  siente, 
Llamese  piedra,  y  huya  de  la  gente. 

While  these  two  shepherds,  both  enamoured  of  Belisarda, 
"  and  of  unequal  age,  though  equally  abhorred,"  are  sing- 
ing, Anfriso  and  Belisarda  drive  their  flocks  elsewhere. 
Presently  they  hear  Isabella,  who  appears  with  Leonisa, 
singing,  "  both  of  them  intimate  friends  of  Belisarda,"  and 
with  them  Alcino  and  Menalca.  The  shepherd  Olimpio  ap- 
pears singing  the  following  sonnet : 

No  queda  mas  lustroso  y  cristalino 

Por  altas  sierras  el  arroyo  elado, 

Ni  esta  mas  negro  el  euano  labrado, 

Ni  mas  azul  la  flor  del  verde  lino, 
Mas  rubio  el  oro  que  de  Oriente  vino, 

Ni  mas  puro,  lasciuo,  y  regalado, 

Espira  olor  el  ambar  estimado, 

Ni  esta  en  la  concha  el  carmesi  mas  fino 
Que  f rente,  cejas,  ojos  y  cabellos, 

Aliento  y  boca  de  mi  Ninfa  bella, 

Angelica  figura  en  vista  humana ; 
Que  puesto  que  ella  se  parece  a  ellos, 

Biuos  estan  alii,  muertos  sin  ella 

Cristal,  euano,  lino,  oro,  ambar,  grana  l  (p.  49). 

1  This  summation  or  repetition  in  the  last  line  is  often  employed  by 
Lope  in  his  sonnets  and  is  of  especial  frequency  in  his  earlier  comedias. 
In  this  he  was  especially  imitated  by  Calderon,  who  uses  it  in  nearly 
all  his  plays.  Ximenez  Paton  in  his  very  interesting,  but  I  fear,  much 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Menalca  now  relates  a  story  in  the  course  of  which  these 
shepherdesses  speak  of  Messalina  and  Semiramis,  of  Nero, 
Octavian,  Seneca  and  Vergil.  Suddenly  a  band  of  shep- 
herds appear,  including  Celio,  Tirsi,  Amarilis,  Danteo  (the 
latter  carves  effigies  of  the  shepherdesses  upon  the  ends  of 
their  crooks), — and  also  el  ingenioso  Benalcio,  sabio  Mate- 
matico,1  "  and  considered  an  oracle  in  these  mountains," 
as  well  as  Celso,  who  wrote  epigrams  and  hung  them  on  the 
trees  a  honor  de  las  Musas.  He  afterwards  sings  about 
four  hundred  lines  for  the  gratification  of  the  company,  the 
last  four  being : 

"  Porque  me  dizen  pastores 

Con  experiencia  de  agrauios, 

Que  sera  la  muerte  sola 

El  medico  de  mis  danos"  (p.  91). 

The  first  book  concludes  with  the  song  of  Benalcio,  the 
wise  mathematician. 

We  are  now  introduced  to  Sylvio,  "  one  of  the  most  val- 
iant shepherds  of  all  Arcadia,  feared  not  only  by  men,  but 
by  the  wild  boars,  bears  and  lions."  Through  the  treachery 
of  Galafron,  Anfriso  is  banished,  going  to  the  valley  of 
"  the  famous  Liseo."  He  bids  farewell  to  his  fathers  "  pen- 
sive, melancholy  and  sad,"  singing  this  sonnet : 

Excelsas  torres  y  famosos  muros, 

Cerca  antigua,  lustrosos  chapiteles, 

Ocultos  sotos,  que  jamas  pinzeles 

Supieron  retratar  vuestros  escuros, 
Liquidas  aguas,  y  cristales  puros, 

Dignos  de  Zeusis,  y  el  diuino  Apeles, 

Hermosas  plantas,  celebres  laureles, 

De  todo  tiempo  y  tempestad  seguros. 

neglected  Eloquencia  espanola   refers   to  this  very   sonnet  of   Lope, 
which  he  quotes.     Mercurius   Trimegistus  etc.,   Baeza,    Pedro   de  la 
Cuesta,  1621,  fol.  69. 
1  Juan  Bautista  Labana  ? 


THE  ARCADIA  OF  LOPE  DE  VEGA 

A  Dios  prendas,  que  un  tiempo  de  la  gloria 
(Que  pensando  no  veros  se  me  acorta) 
Fuistes,  qual  sois  agora  de  mis  danos, 

Biuid,  mientras  biuiere  en  mi  memoria, 
Si  ya  la  Parca  en  el  partir  no  corta 
El  tierno  tronco  de  mis  verdes  anos  (p.  113). 

There  is  a  festival  in  honor  of  the  goddess  Pales,  whose 
temple  is  hewn  "  out  of  the  very  bowels  of  the  mountain," 
where  satyrs,  fauns,  nymphs,  hamadryads,  3;  otras  figuras 
de  semidioses  appear.  Leriano  sings  a  song  "  to  jealousy," 
beginning : 

Nace  un  terrible  animal 
En  la  prouincia  sospecha, 
Mas  ligero  que  una  flecha, 
Y  que  un  veneno  mortal. 
Al  amor  dene  por  padre, 
Y  es  ligitimo  en  rigor, 
Y  con  ser  su  padre  amor, 
Tiene  la  embidia  por  madre. 

After  which  Celsio  discusses  the  various  "  compostura* 
introduced  into  the  world  by  women  for  the  purpose  of 
heightening  their  beauty  and  concealing  their  defects."  By 
this  time  they  have  arrived  at  a  cave  containing  the  tombs 
of  Don  Gonzalo  de  Giron,  the  Marques  de  Santa  Cruz,  and 
the  Duke  of  Alba,  when  the  astrologer  Benalcio  recites  a 
poem  at  each  tomb. 

The  third  book  opens  with  Anfriso  in  his  banishment  re- 
citing these  beautiful  lines : 

Amargas  horas  de  los  dulces  dias, 
Que  un  tiempo  la  fortuna,  amor,  ye  el  cielo, 
Juntos,  quisieron  que  gozasse  el  alma, 
Que  agora  os  llora  en  soledades  tristes, 
Que  me  quereis,  mostrandome  memorias 
De  aquellos  anos  de  mi  vida  alegres  ? 

Los  estados  mas  prosperos  y  alegres, 
Con  el  ligero  curso  de  los  dias, 


1 52  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Que  nos  suelen  dexar  sino  memorias? 
Todo  es  mudable  quanto  cubre  el  cielo, 
Eh  todo  vengo  a  hallar  memorias  tristes, 

Pena  del  cuerpo,  y  confusion  del  alma. 

******* 

Passo  mis  anos  en  discursos  tristes, 
Por  la  inclemencia  del  contrario  cielo, 
Haziendo  noches  los  hermosos  dias, 
Ciego  el  entendimiento,  luz  del  alma, 
En  cuya  essencia  imagenes  alegres 
Me  representan  miseras  memorias. 

O  ausencia,  madre  inutil  de  memorias, 
Que  asi  condenas  los  sentidos  tristes 
A  dessear  las  que  gozaua  alegres ; 
Quando  lo  quiso  el  disponer  del  cielo, 
La  vida,  el  gusto,  el  corac,on,  el  alma 
En  el  plazer  de  aquellos  breues  dias. 

La  edad  es  flor,  qual  sombra  son  los  dias, 
Presto  se  desuanecen  sus  memorias. 
O  vida,  en  fin  mortal  carcel  del  alma, 
Que  largos  muestras  los  pesares  tristes ! 
Mas  bien  podia  con  mudarse  el  cielo, 
Mudar  estas  fortunas  en  alegres   (p.  177). 

He  then  draws  Belisarda's  portrait  from  his  scrip,  reading : 

Ojos  que  sin  luzes  veis, 
Boca  que  sin  lengua  hablais, 
^  Como  sin  alma  escuchais, 
Y  sin  sentido  entendeis? 

Lealdo  and  Floro  arrive  from  Monte  Menalo,  saying 
that  Belisarda  had  gone  to  Cilena,  whither  Anfriso  goes 
disguised  and  meets  Belisarda.  Again  the  shepherds  ar- 
rive at  a  cave  containing  marble  statues  of  heroes  and  great 
worthies,  which  are  explained  by  the  sage,  always  present 
on  such  occasions.  There  is  plenty  of  verse, — a  stanza  to 
each  of  the  statues,  which  include  Romulus,  Remus,  Ly- 
curgus,  Alexander,  Hannibal,  Caesar,  Charlemagne,  Cleo- 
patra, Semiramis,  Zenobia,  Bernardo  del  Carpio,  the  Cid, 


THE  ARCADIA  OF  LOPE  DE  VEGA 

Alonso  Perez  de  Guzman,  Charles  V.,  Fernan  Cortes,  the 
Duke  of  Alba  and  others.    A  sonnet  follows  by  Belisarda : 

De  verdes  mantos  las  cortezas  cubre 

El  matizado  Abril  de  aquestas  plantas, 

De  varias  flores,  y  de  frutas  tantas 

Mayo  vistoso  la  sazon  descubre. 
Junio,  que  de  la  tierra  nada  encubre, 

La  frente  cine  con  espigas  santas 

Y  por  las  vides  con  mojadas  plantas 

Negros  razimos  el  desnudo  Otubre. 
Componese  de  flores  el  mangano 

Que  puso  el  labrador  en  confianc.a 

Que  espere  a  tiempo  fertiles  despojos. 
Todo  lo  que  sembro  trabajo  humano 

Rinde  su  fruto  al  fin,  y  la  esperanga 

Tras  tantos  anos  me  produze  enojos  (p.  231). 

Anfriso,  becoming  jealous  of  Olimpio,  returns  to  his 
home,  where  he  is  scarcely  recognized,  so  greatly  has  he 
changed.  He  now  bestows  his  affections  upon  Anarda, 
afterwards,  however,  he  begins  to  doubt  that  Belisarda  loves 
Olimpio.  On  seeing  Anfriso  weep  one  day,  Belisarda  says : 
What  are  you  weeping  about?  Yesterday  laughing  with 
Anarda,  and  to-day  weeping  with  me?  What  means  this 
feigned  fondness?  Whom  dost  thou  hope  to  deceive  here, 
who  may  not  know  you?  Belisarda  leaves  him,  reciting 
some  verses,  beginning : 

"  Dueno  de  mis  ojos, 

Mientras  tienen  lumbre, 
Pues  soy  tus  despojos, 
Por  gusto  y  costumbre, 
El  alma  te  dexo, 
Que  el  cuerpo  no  es  mio, 
Y  mientras  me  alexo, 
Suspires  te  embio. 
Injustas  venganc.as 
Mataron  mis  dichas, 
Fingidas  mudanc.as 
Fueron  mis  desdichas. 


154  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Quien  no  piensa  y  mira 
Primero  que  intente, 
En  vano  suspira, 
Tarde  se  arrepiente. 

*****) 

Tuya  fue  la  culpa, 
Yo  tengo  la  pena, 
Tardia  disculpa 

Para  nada  es  buena. 

***** 

Casada  y  cansada 

Estoy  de  un  dia, 
Amando  pagada, 

Quando  no  soy  mia. 
Pero  eternamente 

Mi  dueno  te  nombra, 

Que  el  tirano  ausente 

Servira  de  sombra. 

***** 

Tan  aborrecida 
Estoy  de  perderte, 
Que  temo  la  vida, 
Y  adoro  la  muerte"   (p.  387). 

To  which  Anfriso  replies  with  the  following  romance: 

Hermosissima  pastora, 

Senora  de  mi  aluedrio, 

Reyna  de  mis  pensamientos, 

Esfera  de  mis  sentidos. 

Cielo  del  alma  que  os  doy, 

Sol  que  adoro,  luz  que  miro, 

Fenix  de  quien  soy  el  fuego, 

Dueno  de  quien  soy  cautivo ; 

Regalo  de  mi  memoria, 

Retrato  del  parayso, 

Alma  de  mi  entendimiento, 

Y  entendimiento  diuino. 

Hermosa  senora,  Reyna, 

Esfera,  cielo,  Sol  mio, 

Luz,  Fenix,  dueno,  regalo, 

Imagen,  alma,  y  auiso ; 

Si  os  he  ofendido, 

Matenme  zelos,  y  en  ausencia  oluido. 


THE  ARCADIA  OF  LOPE  DE  VEGA 

Embidias  me  den  la  muerte, 
Vengando  a  mis  enemigos, 
Con  las  armas  encubiertas, 
Y  voz  de  amigos  fingidos. 
Mi  propia  sangre  me  engane, 
Mis  quexas  no  hallen  oydos, 
Mis  suspires  os  den  pena, 
Y  mis  memorias  oluido. 
Trayciones  me  desenganen, 
Zelos  me  quiten  el  juyzio, 
Pensamientos  el  sustento, 
Desuarios  el  sentido,  etc.  (p.  389). 

In  the  Fifth  Book  the  shepherds  are  led  by  the  wise 
Polinesta  to  an  immense  temple,  "  much  larger  than  that 
of  Diana  and  Apollo,"  where  they  see  a  beautiful  maiden 
teaching  youths.  She  recites  dull  poems  on  Grammar, 
Logic,  Rhetoric,  Astrology,  Music,  Poetry,  etc.  Hanging 
in  the  halls  they  see  portraits  of  the  Duke  of  Sessa,  Diego 
de  Mendoza,  el  divino  Garcilasso,  el  cortesano  Boscan,  etc. 
"  And  now,  it  seems  to  me,  said  the  venerable  sage,  that 
you,  Anfriso,  are  prepared  to  go  to  the  sacred  temple  of 
enlightenment,"  etc.  (teniplo  del  desengano).  Let  us  go, 
said  Anfriso,  for  there  is  nothing  that  I  desire  so  anxiously, 
for  if  it  were  not  to  leave  you  suspicious,  I  believe  that  I 
would  ask  you  who  you  are,  for  of  my  enemiga  (Belisarda) 
already  I  scarcely  remember  the  name.  Frondoso  and  Poli- 
nesta, as  was  just,  laughed  at  this  apathy  (descuido),  An- 
friso concluding  with  the  poem  beginning : 

La  verde  Primauera 

De  mis  floridos  anos 

Passe  cautiuo,  amor,  en  tus  prisiones: 

Y  en  la  cadena  fiera, 

Cantando  mis  enganos, 

Llore  con  mi  razon  tus  sinrazones ; 

Amargas  confusiones 

Del  tiempo,  que  has  tenido 

Ciega  mi  alma,  y  loco  mi  sentido. 


156  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

The  last  stanza : 

Quede  por  las  cortezas 

De  aquestos  verdes  arboles, 

Ingrata  fiera,  con  mi  fe  tu  nombre 

Imprima  en  las  durezas 

De  aquestos  blancos  marmoles 

Mi  exemplo  amor,  que  a  todo  el  mundo  assombre, 

Y  sepase  que  un  hombre 

Tan  ciego  y  tan  perdido, 

Su  vida  escriue,  y  llora  arrepentido  (p.  469). 

A  dictionary  of  poetical  and  historical  names,  consisting 
of  fifty-eight  double-column  pages,  with  which  the  work 
concludes,  will  give  an  idea  of  the  learning  with  which  it 
is  crowded. 

The  Arcadia  of  Lope  de  Vega,  however,  despite  this  os- 
tentation of  learning,  its  great  length  and  its  flowery  and 
extravagant  diction,  was  very  successful.  It  did  not  escape 
the  metaphysical  discussions  with  which  its  predecessors 
were  burdened,  nor  could  it  claim  much  merit  on  the  score 
of  originality  and  invention,  as  it  followed  pretty  closely 
in  the  beaten  track,  and  where  all  was  hopelessly  involved, 
the  deus  ex  machina,  the  convenient  sorceress,  was  called 
in,  who,  by  some  mysterious  means,  brought  about  the  de- 
sired end.  The  pastoral  tone,  however,  is  almost  entirely 
sacrificed  and  the  story  is  wanting  in  truth  to  nature;  a 
number  of  episodes  are  introduced  that  have  no  connection 
with  what  either  precedes  or  follows,  and  in  at  least  two 
instances,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  praising  the  house  of  his 
patron.  Its  poetry,  however,  already  shows  the  great  master, 
containing,  in  fact,  all  the  peculiarities  of  his  later  manner : 
the  extravagant  hyperboles,  the  peculiar  repetition  of  the 
thought  in  another  form  (afterward  imitated  by  Calderon, 
as  already  observed),  the  easy  and  graceful  versification, — 
all  are  already  here.1 

1  It  may  be  noted  here  that  Lope  closes  his  romance  with  the  ad- 
dress: Belardo  a  la  qampona,  just  as  Sannazaro,  his  acknowledged 
model,  ends  his  Arcadia. 


THE  "  PRADO  OF  VALENCIA  "  BY  D.  CASPAR 
MERCADER. 

IN  1600  a  pastoral  romance  entitled  The  Prado  of  Valen- 
cia by  D.  Caspar  Mercader,  Count  of  Bufiol,  appeared  at 
Valencia.1  Its  author  was  born  at  Valencia,  in  1567,  the 
son  of  Caspar  Mercader,  Count  of  Bufiol,  and  Dona  Lau- 
domia  Carroz.  In  1583  Don  Caspar,  the  younger,  married 
Da.  Hipolita  Centellas,  both  being  under  sixteen  years  of 
age.  They  occupied  a  prominent  position  in  the  society  of 
their  native  city.  In  1592  Mercader  became  a  member  of 
the  Academia  de  los  Nocturnos,  to  which  Guillen  de  Castro, 
Tarrega,  Aguilar  and  all  the  principal  Valencian  peots  be- 
longed.2 In  this  Academy  he  assumed  the  name  Reldm- 
pago.  He  was  a  man  of  wild,  unbridled  temper,  and  in 
1593,  in  the  streets  of  Valencia,  he  killed  a  wretched,  half- 
witted man  who  had  pulled  the  tail  of  his  horse,  first  run- 
ning him  through  with  his  sword  and  then  cutting  off  his 
head,  though  the  poor  fellow  lay  on  the  ground  and  im- 

1  El  Prado  de  Valencia.    Compuesto  por  Don  Caspar  Mercader.    A 
la  I llustrissima  y  Excellentissima  senora  Dona  Calalina  de  la  Cerda 
y  Sandoual,  Duquessa  de  Lerma,  Marquesa  de  Denia,  y  Sea,  Condessa 
de  Empudia,  y  Camarera  mayor  de  la  Reyna  nuestra  Senora  [device]. 
En  Valencia,  por  Pedro  Patricio  Mey,  MDC.    It  again  issued  from  the 
same  press  in  the  following  year.     It  was  not  reprinted  until   1907, 
when    an    excellent   critical    edition,   with   introduction    and    notes   by 
Henri  Merimee,  appeared  at  Toulouse.    It  is  to  this  edition  that  I  am 
indebted  for  the  facts  of  Mercader's  life. 

2  The  Cancionero  of  this  literary  Academy,  the  manuscript  of  which 
was  formerly  in  the  possession  of  the  bibliographer  D.   Pedro  Salva 
and  afterward  became  the  property  of  the  Biblioteca  Nacional,  was 
published  in  1905-06.     I  possess  one  of  the  copies  of  this  edition  of 
twenty-five.     It  is  entitled:   Cancionero  de  la  Academia  de  los  Noc- 
turnos de  Valencia,  estractado  de  sus  actas  originates  por  D.  Pedro 
Salvd  y  reimpreso  con  adiciones  y  notas  de  Francisco  Marti  Grajales 
[device].    Valencia,  MCMV. 

IS7 


158  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

plored  his  mercy.  For  this  murder  Mercader  was  never 
punished.  He  died  August  7,  1631. 

The  work  takes  its  name,  the  Prado  de  Valencia,  from  a 
flowery  promenade  which  existed  at  the  close  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Turia,  opposite  the 
city  of  Valencia,  on  the  site  of  the  present  Alameda.  The 
book  is  a  picture  of  manners  under  a  pastoral  disguise  and 
in  the  opinion  of  M.  Merimee  can  hardly  be  classed  among 
the  pastoral  romances,  as  the  author,  in  adopting  the  pas- 
toral fiction,  was  merely  providing  a  convenient  means  of 
accomplishing  his  main  purpose,  which  was  to  produce  an 
anthology  of  the  best  poetry  of  the  Valencian  school  in  a 
prose  setting  of  his  own.  This  being  his  object,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  he  has  shown  great  ingenuity  in  the  construc- 
tion of  the  work.  As  none  of  the  verses  had  been  origi- 
nally written  for  such  a  purpose,  it  required  no  little  skill 
to  embody  them  in  the  intrigue  of  a  romance.  In  this, 
however,  through  his  eagerness  to  include  as  much  of  the 
poetry  of  his  friends  as  possible,  he  has  not  always  been 
successful,  in  spite  of  his  unquestioned  skill.  In  the  words 
of  M.  Merimee,  "  la  Prado  de  Valencia  n'cest  pas  un  recueil 
poetique  original,  c'est  une  anthologie."  He  has,  moreover, 
succeeded  in  recognizing  beneath  their  pastoral  disguise, 
a  number  of  well-known  names.  The  protagonist,  Fideno, 
is  D.  Caspar  Mercader  himself,  while  Belisa  is  Da.  Catalina 
de  la  Cerda  y  Sandoval,  who,  on  November  6,  1598,  mar- 
ried in  Madrid  D.  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Castro  Andrade  y 
Portugal,  Count  of  Lemos  and  Marquis  of  Sarria,  while 
Lisardo  may,  possibly,  be  Don  Guillen  de  Castro. 

Although  the  prose  of  the  Prado  de  Valencia  is  easy 
and  fluent,  there  are  scarcely  any  descriptions  of  natural 
scenery  and  the  work  is  of  value  only  on  account  of  the 
poetry  it  contains,  in  which  all  the  more  celebrated  ingenios 
of  the  Valencian  school  are  represented. 


SOLORZENO— "  THE  TRAGEDIES  OF  LOVE." 

IN  1607  there  appeared  at  Madrid  the  "  Tragedies  of 
Love  "  by  Juan  Arze  Solorzeno.1  He  was  born  at  Valla- 
dolid  in  1576,  and  in  his  Dedicatoria  refers  to  this  work  as 
"  these  rustic  thoughts,  the  first  fruits  of  my  tender  years, 
brought  forth  when  I  was  nineteen  years  old  (estos  rusticos 
pensamientos,  primicias  de  mis  tiernos  anos,  engendrados 
en  los  diez  y  nueue  de  mi  edad)  ;  and  in  his  address  to  the 
Reader  says  that  he  is  then  not  yet  twenty-eight  years  old 
(the  suma  de  Privilegio  is  dated  1604),  and  that  in  his 
early  youth  he  wrote  fifteen  eclogues,  of  which  he  now 
offers  the  first  five,  saying  further :  "  receive  them  well,  if 
you  would  see  the  remaining  ones."  2 

The  book  is  best  described  in  the  author's  own  words : 
"  Avendo  en  estas  eglogas  con  artificiosas  historias,  anti- 
guas  fabulas,  filiosoficos  discursos,  latinas  y  griegas  inmi- 

1  Tragedias  de  Amor,  de   Gustoso   y  Apacible   Entretenimiento   de 
Historias,   Fabulas   enredados  Maranas,   Cantares,   Bayles,   ingeniosas 
M  or  alidades  del  enamorado  Acrisio,  y  su  Zagala  Lucidora.    Compuesto 
par  el  Licenciado  Juan  Arse  Solorzeno.    Dirigido  a  Don  Pedro  Fer- 
nandez de  Castro,  Conde  de  Lemos,  etc.    Con  Privilegio.    En  Madrid, 
Par  Juan  de  la  Cuesta.    Ano  MDCVII.     196  leaves.     Gallardo   (En- 
sayo,  I,  p.  264)  mentions  an  edition  printed  at  Zaragoza  in  1647.     Be- 
sides the  "  Tragedies  of  Love,"  Solorzeno  is  the  author  of  the  Historia 
euangelica  de  la  Vida,  Milagros  y  Muerte  de  Christo,  nuestro  Dios  y 
Maestro.    Madrid,   1605.        Perez   Pastor,   Bibliografia  Madrilena,   II, 
p.  83.     He  also  translated  the  following  work :  Historia  de  los  dos 
Soldados  de  Christo,  Barlaan  y  losafat.     Escrita  par  son  Juan  Da- 
masceno,  Doctor  de  la  Yglesia  Griega.  .  .  .  Madrid,  MDCVIII. 

2  Though  the  privilege  to  print  the  "  Tragedies  of  Love "  is  dated 
1604,  the  author  probably  sought  in  vain,  for  some  time,  to  find  a  pub- 
lisher.   On  February  28,  1607,  we  learn  that  the  Licentiate  Arce  Solor- 
zeno, Secretary  of  the  Bishop  of  Cordoba,  sold  the  MS.  and  privilege 
of  the  Primera  Parte  de  las  Traxedias  de  Amor  to  Antonio  Rodriguez, 
book-seller,   for  three  hundred   and   fifty   reals.     Perez    Pastor,   Bibl. 
Madrilena,  II,  pp.  119-120. 

159 


160  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

taciones  dado  alguna  parte  de  dulce,  puse  al  fin  de  cada  una 
su  breve  allegoria,"  etc.  This  "  allegorical  interpretation  " 
is  the  dullest  and  most  insipid  part  of  what  is  certainly  a 
very  dull  book. 

The  first  eclogue  begins  as  follows : 

"  Rumor  confuso,  y  clamor  desordenado,  de  albogues, 
orlos,  y  flautos,  con  son  funesto,  y  temeroso  acento,  en  los 
bosques  y  valle  resonava,  quando  el  ingenioso  Acrisio,  pas- 
tor montafies  gallardo  (recien  venido  a  aquella  fertil  ribera, 
y  en  ella  tan  enamorado  de  la  bella  Lucidora  que  fue  digno 
de  horosa  corona  de  sagrado  Mirto)  baxaua  por  la  fresca 
orilla  del  Sil,  caudaloso  rio,  a  tiempo  que  el  roxo  dios  calen- 
tando  el  Signo  de  Leon  en  el  dia  consagrado  a  su  tri forme 
hermana,  matizava  los  montes  de  aljofaradas  listas,"  etc. 
Here  is  an  excerpt  from  fol.  100.  The  shepherds  visit  the 
tower  of  Fame : 

"  A  la  qual  subieron  por  una  larga  escalera  en  caracol, 
hasta  llegar  a  la  sala  de  la  inmortalidad,  que  era  en  figura 
de  pyramide,  que  comengava  en  ancho,  y  yua  enangostan- 
dose  hasta  acabar  en  un  espacio  redondo  de  treynta  pies  de 
circunferencia,  en  el  qual  auia  un  teatro  de  plata  fina,  y 
subiase  a  el  por  siete  escalones  de  Jaspe  leonado  y  bianco, 
y  encima  estaua  un  trono  preciosissimo,  pero  cubierto  con 
un  gran  velo  de  raro  carmesi. 

"  El  suelo  estaua  ladrillado  de  marfil,  y  euano  el  techo, 
y  paredes  cubiertas  de  laminas,  florones  y  labores  mara- 
uillosos,  hechos  de  piegas  de  oro,  plata,  cristal,  y  aljof ares : 
y  en  la  cupula  del  techo  auia  entre  quatro  esmeraldas  un 
Apyroto,  que  priuaua  de  vista  al  que  en  el  ponia  los  ojos, 
y  de  la  una  parte  y  otra  muchas  estatuas  de  plata  fina  de 
valerosos  hombres  armados,  de  altura  de  ocho  pies  geomet- 
ricos  cada  una,  y  en  medio  dellas,  y  de  la  sala  una  altra 
coluna  de  cristal,  sobre  la  qual  estatua  la  ligera  fama,  cu- 
bierta  de  ojos  y  bocas,  lenguas  y  plumas,  y  a  sus  pies  un 


THE  TRAGEDIES  OF  LOVE 

quadro  de  marfil,  y  escrito  en  el  con  letras  de  oro  este  arro- 
gante  blason: 

La  fama  soy,  que  contra  el  tiepo,  y  muerte 
Y  a  pesar  de  la  inuidia,  y  del  oluido 
Doy  vida  eterna,  y  nombre  esclarecido 
Al  varon  virtuoso,  sabio,  o  fuerte 
(For  quien  se  vera  el  mundo  enriqzido) 
Estoy  ganando  mi  valor  perdido, 
Y  assi  mi  canto  a  ellos  se  conuierte. 
Ved  pues,  de  quan  illustre  y  noble  gente 
Espero  renacer  en  dulce  canto, 
Pero  passadlos  todo  uno  a  uno, 
Hasta  los  tres  que  estan  ultimamente, 
Que  me  diran  los  tres  que  dezir  tanto 
Que  jamas  dire  mas  de  otro  ninguno. 

Among  these  silver  statues,  which  are  now  described, 
the  first  is  Crastino,  a  valiant  captain,  who,  following 
Caesar's  faction,  hurled  the  first  lance  "  contra  el  campo 
de  Pompeyo  en  la  guerra  Farsalica,"  etc. ;  then  follow  the 
counts  of  Castile,  Fernan  Laynez,  Ruy  Fernandez,  and 
Fernan  Ruyz  de  Castro,  etc.  On  page  103  is  told  the  tragic 
story  of  Fernan  Ruyz  de  Castro  and  his  wife  Estefania 
(daughter  of  the  Emperor  Alfonso  VII.)  which  is  the  only 
interesting  episode  in  the  book.1  This  is  followed  by  a 
long  genealogy  and  eulogy  of  the  house  of  Castro.  Mytho- 
logical deities  are  scattered  plentifully  throughout  the  book, 
which  concludes  with  a  long  dictionary  of  names,  and  is, 
upon  the  whole,  by  far  the  dullest  of  all  these  romances. 

1  This  story,  believed  by  some  to  be  historical,  is  the  basis  of  Lope 
de  Vega's  tragicomedia  La  desdichada  Estefania,  Comedias,  Part  XII, 
Madrid,  1619.  'Menendez  y  Pelayo  believes  Lope's  source  to  be  the 
Cronica  de  D.  Alonso  VII.  by  Prudencio  de  Sandoval,  Madrid,  1600, 
or  possibly  the  above  tale  of  Solorzeno.  The  same  tragic  episode 
was  again  dramatized  by  Luis  Velez  de  Guevara  in  his  play  Los  Celos 
hasta  los  Cielos  y  desdichada  Estefania.  See  Obras  de  Lope  de  Vega, 
edition  of  the  Spanish  Academy,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  Ixvi.  Menendez  y 
Pelayo  calls  attention  to  the  similarity  of  the  third  act  of  Lope's  play 
and  Shakespeare's  Othello. 


BALBUENA— "  THE  GOLDEN  AGE." 

IN  the  following  year  "  The  Golden  Age  in  the  Forests 
of  Erifile  "  appeared,  being  first  published  at  Madrid,  in 
I6O8.1  Its  author,  Don  Bernardo  de  Balbuena,  afterward 
became  Bishop  of  Porto-Rico,  and  for  the  few  known  inci- 
dents of  his  life  we  are  chiefly  indebted  to  the  introduction 
to  the  edition  published  in  1821  by  the  Spanish  Academy,3 

1  Siglo  de  Oro,  en  las  Selvas  de  Erifile  del  Dotor  Bernardo  de  Bal- 
buena.    En  que  se  describe  una  agradable  y  rigurosa  imitation  del 
Estilo  pastoril  de  Teocrito,  Virgilio,  y  Sanasaro.    Dirigido  al  Excel- 
entissimo   Don   Pedro   Fernandez   de   Castro,   Code   de   Lemos,   y   de 
Andrade,  Marques  de  Sarria,  y  Presidente  del  Real  Consejo  de  In- 
dias.     Ano  1608.     Con  Privilegio.     En  Madrid,  Por  Alonso  Martin. 
A   costa  de  Alonso  Perez,  Mercader  de  libros.     Small   12°.     Fifteen 
preliminary  leaves  and  one  blank ;  the  text  on  pp.  9  to  165.     Colophon : 
En  Madrid.    En  casa  de  Alonso  Martin.    Ano  1607.     I  possess  a  copy 
of  this  very  rare  book.     On  pages  1-7  there  is  an  Epistola  al  Lector 
which  is  not  noted  in  the  bibliographical  works  that  I  have  consulted. 
Though  beginning  at  the  top  of  page  I,  it  is  not  complete,  as  the  page 
begins  in  the  middle  of  a  sentence.     Apparently  the  author  of  this 
Epistola  is  unknown;  it  is  certainly  not   Balbuena.     He  informs  us 
that  the  writing  of  eclogues  in  mixed  prose  and  verse  was  chosen  by 
Doctor  Balbuena  in  imitation  of   Sannazaro,  while  he  has  also   fol- 
lowed Theocritus,  inasmuch  as  the  eclogues  are  free  of  any  allegorical 
meaning,  but  that  Balbuena  also  wished  to  imitate  Vergil  in  preserving 
the  decorum  of  the  persons  introduced   into  his   eclogues,   etc.     He 
justifies  the  prose  style  of   Balbuena  "  which   may  seem   affected  to 
some,  '  a  poetical  prose,' "  as  he  calls  it,  and  says  that  the  reason  why 
the  prose  of  Sannazaro  has  been  called  affected  is  because  it  is  flowery 
and  adorned  with  epithets,  etc.     In  his  dedication  Balbuena  says  that 
his  eclogues  en  el  verano  de  mi  nines,  a  bueltas  de  su  nueuo  mudo 
fueron  naciendo. 

2  It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  the  information  furnished 

162 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE 

for  which  most  of  the  facts  were  furnished  by  Balbuena's 
Grandeza  Mejicana,  a  descriptive  poem  in  eight  cantos,  first 
published  in  Mexico  in  1604. 

Bernardo  de  Balbuena  was  born  in  Valdepenas  on  No- 
vember 22,  1568;  his  parents,  Don  Gregorio  Villanueua 
and  Dona  Luisa  de  Balbuena,  both  descendants  of  noble 
families  that  were  well  known  for  having  long  exercised 
high  offices  in  that  city.  Very  little  is  known  of  his  early 
life,  save  that,  as  he  himself  says,  he  studied  the  humanities 
in  one  of  the  colleges  of  Mexico  and  gained  prizes  in  three 
poetical  contests, — in  one  instance  over  three  hundred  com- 
petitors,— when  only  seventeen  years  old.1  He  probably 
sailed  for  Spain  shortly  after  this  time  (1585),  to  complete 
his  studies.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  diligent  student,  and 
became  a  Bachelor  of  Theology  in  the  University  of  Mex- 
ico and  Doctor  in  Sigiienza,  one  of  the  smaller  universities 
of  Spain.  We  have  no  further  information  whatever  con- 
cerning Balbuena  until  1603,  when  he  was  again  in  Mexico, 
and  dated  the  dedication  of  his  Grandeza,  Mejicana  from 
that  city. 

by  this  edition  adds  nothing  to  the  account  of  Balbuena  given  by 
Dieze,  Geschichte  der  Spanischen  Dichtkunst,  Gottingen,  1769.  I  have 
been  unable  to  discover  who  the  editor  of  this  second  edition  is. 

1  These  justas  literarias  were  then  very  common  in  Spain,  and,  prob- 
ably, also  in  America.  In  Spain  justas  were  held  in  1595,  1608,  1614 
and  1620,  in  which  the  greatest  Spanish  poets  competed.  See  the 
Justa  poetica,  y  alabansas  Justas  que  hizo  Madrid  en  las  Fiestas  de 
San  Isidro.  Small  4°.  Madrid.  My  copy  is  without  date,  but  it  is 
given  as  1620  in  the  Tassa.  Upon  this  occasion  Lope  de  Vega  was  the 
judge  who  distributed  the  prizes  and  recited  the  introductory  verses. 
See  also  Suarez  de  Figueroa,  El  Passagero,  Madrid,  1617  (fol.  118), 
who  says  that  "at  such  joustings  there  were  more  poets  than  sands 
upon  the  sea-shore."  Figueroa  was  a  competitor  in  one  of  these 
•fiestas  held  at  Toledo  that  very  year  (1617).  See.Ticknor,  History 
of  Spanish  Lit.  Spanish  tr.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  528.  The  opinion  of  Cervantes 
upon  these  tournaments  is  given  in  Don  Quixote,  Part  II,  Chap,  xviii. 
He  had  gained  the  first  prize  at  one  held  in  Zaragoza  in  1595. 


164  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

At  the  age  of  thirty-nine  (1607)  he  was  named  abbot 
of  Jamaica,  where  he  lived  until  1620,  when  he  was  made 
Bishop  of  Porto  Rico.  From  documents  in  the  archives 
of  Seville,  it  is  known  that  he  was  present  at  the  provincial 
Council  of  Santo  Domingo  in  1622  and  1623.  He  died  on 
October  n,  1627,*  in  Porto  Rico. 

The  "  Golden  Age  "  2  is  divided  into  twelve  "  eclogues  " 
of  mixed  prose  and  verse,  and  though  its  brevity  is  greatly 
in  its  favor,  when  compared  with  other  works  of  the  same 
class,  it  appears  never  to  have  enjoyed  much  success.  No 
edition  was  published  between  the  first,  in  1608,  and  that 
of  1821.  It  was,  however,  highly  praised  by  some  contem- 
porary poets.8 

1  Balbuena  also  published :  El  Bernardo,  o  la  Victoria  de  Ronces- 
valles,  Madrid,  1624.    I  have  a  reprint  in  three  volumes,  dated  Madrid, 
1808.     I2mo. 

2  While  the  "  Golden  Age "  was  not  published  till  1608,  it  was  evi- 
dently   ready   for   the   press    four   years   before,    as   the   Aprouacion, 
signed  by  Tomas  Gracian  Dantisco,  is  dated  at  Valladolid,  August  2, 
1604.     On  September  10,  1607,  in  Madrid,  Balbuena,  who  is  described 
as  "  clerigo  presbitero,  residente  en  esta  corte,"  sold  and  transferred 
to  Alonso  Perez,  book-seller,  all  his  rights  and  title  in  the  royal  privi- 
lege that  had  been  granted  him  to  print  the  "  Golden  Age,"  for  one 
hundred    and   fifty   copies   of   the   printed   book.      See    Perez    Pastor, 
Bibliografia  Madriletia,  Vol.  II,  p.  131.     A  brief,  but  good  account  of 
Balbuena  and  his  works  is  given  by  Dieze,  Geschichte  der  Spanischen 
Dichtkunst,  Gottingen,  1769,  p.  390. 

3  Lope  de  Vega  praises  Balbuena  in  his  Laurel  de  Apolo   (1630), 
saying : 

Y  siempre  dulce  tu  memoria  sea, 

Generoso  prelado 

Doctissimo  Bernardo  de  Balbuena, 

Tenias  tu  el  cayado 

De  Puerto  Rico,  quando  el  fiero  Enrique 

Olandes  rebelado 

Robo  tu  libreria; 

Pero  tu  ingenio  no,  que  no  podia, 

Aunque  las  fuerc.as  del  oluido  aplique. 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE  ^5 

The  scene  of  the  "  Golden  Age  "  is  laid  in  a  valley 
watered  by  the  Guadiana.  Among  the  things  there  most 
worthy  to  be  celebrated,  the  author  says,  one,  above  all  is 
"  the  extraordinary  beauty  of  a  clear  and  limpid  little 
fountain  which  with  its  sweet  waters  bathes  the  better  part 
of  a  valley,  and  which  is  known  by  the  beloved  name  of 
Erifile."  There  is  so  much  sameness  in  respect  to  incident, 
however,  in  all  these  works  that  it  would  be  useless  to 
chronicle  the  sufferings  and  vicissitudes  of  Filis  and  Gala- 
tea, of  Delicio  and  Clarenio,  and  of  the  various  other  shep- 
herds and  shepherdesses,  who  were  nearly  always  unfortu- 
nate enough  to  love  some  one  by  whom  they  were  not  loved 
in  return.  But  the  book  is  very  much  better  than  many 
that  were  more  esteemed,  and  if  its  prose  sometimes  bears 
signs  of  affectation,  it  is  often  very  graceful  and  flowing, 
as  the  following  excerpts  show: 

"  Todos  en  torno  de  la  cristalina  fuente  nos  sentamos, 
gozando  las  maravillas  que  en  el  tendido  llano  se  mostrauan, 
y  lo  que  sobre  todo  mayor  deleyte  ponia  era  el  agradable 
ruydo  con  que  los  altiuos  alamos,  siluando  en  ellos  un  del- 
gado  viento,  sobre  nuestras  cabegas  se  mouian,  qua j  ados 
sus  tembladores  ramos  de  pintadas  avezillas,  que  con  sus 
no  aprendidos  cantares  trabajauan  de  remedar  los  nuestros, 
donde  la  solitaria  tortolilla  con  tristes  arrullos  vieras  llorar 
su  perdida  compania,  o  al  amoroso  Ruysenor  recontar  la  no 

Que  bien  cantaste  el  Espanol  Bernardo, 

Que  bien  al  Siglo  de  Oro, 

Tu  fuiste  su  prelado,  y  su  tesoro, 

Y  tesoro  tan  rico  en  Puerto  Rico, 

Que  nunca  Puerto  Rico  fue  tan  rico"  (fol.  I3b). 

Likewise  Cervantes,  in  his  Viage  al  Parnaso  (ed.  of  1614,  Chap,  iii, 
p.  16), 

"  Este  es  aquel  Poeta  memorando, 
Que  mostro  de  su  ingenio  la  agudeza 
En  las  Selvas  de  Erifile  cantando." 


l66  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

oluidada  injuria  del  fementido  Tereo,  aqui  el  ronco  Faysan 
sonaua,  alii  las  suaues  calandrias  se  cyan,  aculla  cantaban 
los  gorgales,  las  mirlas  y  las  abubillas,  y  hasta  las  industri- 
osas  abejas  a  nuestras  espaldas  con  blando  susurrar,  de  una 
florecilla  en  otra  yuan  saltando;  todo  olia  a  verano,  todo 
prometia  tin  ano  fertil  y  abundoso:  olia  el  romero,  el  to- 
millo,  las  rosas,  el  agahar  y  los  preciosos  jazmines:  olian 
las  tiernas  manganas  y  las  amarillas  ciruelas,  de  que  todo 
el  campo  estaba  quajado;  los  ramos,  que  apenas  podian 
sustentar  la  demasiada  carga  de  su  fruta,  y  nosotros  entre 
tanta  diuersidad  de  frescuras  todo  lo  gozauamos,  y  por 
todo  dauamos  gracias  a  su  diuino  hazedor  "  (fol.  155,  ed. 
1608). 

"  De  tanta  suauidad  f  ueron  los  versos  de  los  Pastores,  y 
con  el  silencio  de  la  noche  tan  agradables  de  oyr,  que  unos 
vencidos  de  su  dulgura,  se  quedaron  en  el  sosegado  suefio 
sepultados,  y  otros  leuantando  los  espiritus  a  contempla- 
ciones  mas  altas,  alabaron  las  celestiales  lumbres  que  pues- 
tas  por  testigos  de  nuestras  vidas  con  resplandecientes  ojos. 
consideran  los  secretes  de  la  noche  que  en  aquella  sazon 
con  tan  agradable  buelo  pasaua,  que  si  en  nuestros  mortales 
oydos  cupiera  seme j  ante  gloria,  entonces  mejor  que  nunca 
pudieramos  oyr  los  diuinos  cantos  de  las  estrellas,  si  es  ver- 
dad  que  tambien  como  las  demas  cosas  ellas  en  medio  de 
nuestra  quietud  alaban  con  doradas  lenguas  la  fuente,  de 
adonde  su  hermosura  nace,  mas  luego  que  las  alegres  luzes 
del  Alua  restituyeron  al  mundo  su  alegria,  y  en  el  Oriente 
se  declare  la  manana  tan  resplandeciente  y  bella,  que  no  se 
si  de  las  rosas  tomaua  su  hermoso  color  6  a  ellas  su  mucha 
frescura  se  lo  daua,  dexando  los  pagizos  lechos,"  etc.  (fol. 
i66v). 

Balbuena  excels  in  his  descriptions  of  nature;  in  this  re- 
spect he  surpasses  all  other  Spanish  writers  of  pastoral 
romances.  As  examples  of  his  poetry,  I  copy  the  following: 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE  ^7 

Sonnet. 

Hebras  del  oro  que  el  Oriente  embia 

Tras  el  rosado  carro  de  la  Aurora, 

Lazos  donde  enredada  mi  alma  mora 

Cautiua  con  cadenas  de  alegria. 
Rayos  de  luz  de  quien  la  toma  el  dia 

Soles  con  que  el  del  cielo  se  desdora, 

Tesoros  do  la  gloria  se  atesora, 

Que  en  ricas  minas  del  amor  se  cria. 
Ambar,  madexas  de  oro,  lazos  bellos, 

Lumbres  del  cielo,  rayos  de  la  vida, 

Luzes  del  alba,  flechas  amorosas, 
Nombres  proprios  son  vuestros,  mis  cabellos, 

Sacados  de  la  gloria,  que  escondida 

Esta  entre  aquessas  redes  milagrosas  (fol.  54v). 

It  is,  however,  only  from  his  eclogues  that  we  can  form 
a  just  conception  of  the  genius  of  Balbuena.  They  have 
been  pronounced  second  only  to  those  of  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega.  It  is  inexplicable  how  a  work  containing  verses 
of  such  surpassing  merit,  should  not  have  been  more 
favorably  received,  while  greatly  inferior  romances  passed 
through  edition  after  edition.  The  rustic  simplicity  that 
pervades  these  eclogues  imparts  to  the  "  Golden  Age " 
a  naturalness  that  is  almost  entirely  wanting  in  works  of 
this  class.  Balbuena's  shepherds  are,  at  least,  real  shep- 
herds, not  the  visionary  creatures  with  which  other  pas- 
toral romances  are  peopled.1  The  following  verses  are 
from  Eclogue  V. : 

Yo,  seluas,  cantare  las  milagrosas 

Palabras  que  pudieran  darme  vida 

A  ser  mis  penas  menos  poderosas. 
Ya  que  de  entera  luz  toda  vestida 

1  Beraldo's  song  (fol.  i2v),  as  was  long  since  pointed  out  by  the 
editor  of  the  Madrid  edition  of  1821,  is  a  paraphrase  of  Petrarch's 
famous  "  Chiare,  fresche  e  dolci  acque."  Balbuena's  verses  are  of 
remarkable  beauty. 


168  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

La  luna  sobre  el  mundo  se  descubre 

En  purissimas  llamas  encendida. 
Aqui  donde  con  negra  sombra  encubre 

La  noche  en  sueno,  y  lutos  sepultada, 

La  casta  yerua  que  estas  aras  cubre ; 
Primero  una  cordera  degollada 

Con  lumbre  de  laurel,  y  ac.ufre  puro 

Al  silencio  sera  sacrificada. 
De  aqui  comenc.ara  nuestro  conjuro, 

Ya  aqui  no  ay  que  esperar  sino  la  muerte, 

El  encanto  es  aqui  lo  mas  seguro. 
Y  porque  tu  con  animo  mas  fuerte 

A  semej  antes  cosas  te  apercibas, 

Atento  aora  mi  cantar  aduierte. 
De  un  negro  rio  aqui  las  aguas  viuas 

Tengo  guardadas  para  que  con  ellas 

Ciertas  palabras  en  mi  sombra  escriuas, 
De  que  seran  testigos  las  estrellas, 

Y  la  noche  que  oyendo  esta  su  canto, 

Y  la  luna  tambien  que  buela  entrellas. 
Y  porque  no  te  cieguen  con  espanto 

Las  sombras  de  los  dioses  que  vinieren, 

Forc.ados  del  apremio  de  mi  encanto. 
Assi  los  que  del  ayre  decendieren, 

Como  los  que  en  sepulcros  escondidos, 

Estan  siempre  escuchando  a  los  que  mueren, 
Con  esta  yerua  claros  y  lucidos 

Te  dexare  los  ojos,  que  con  ellos 

Podras  aun  conocer  los  no  nacidos. 

******** 

Luego  do  el  agua  sin  correr  se  muda, 

Bafiado  nueue  vezes  de  mi  mano, 

Con  la  rayz  de  la  encantada  ruda. 
Seguro  cogeras  por  este  llano 

Las  yeruas  de  virtud  no  conocida, 

Que  en  el  nacieron  su  primer  verano,  etc.   (fol.  90). 

The  following  tercet os  are  from  Eclogue  IV.  (fol.  73). 

Clarenio.       Dulce  es  el  fresco  humor  a  los  sembrados, 

Y  al  ganado  es  la  sombra  deleytosa, 

Y  mas  Tirrena  a  todos  mis  cuydados. 
Delicio.         Abre  el  clabel,  desplegase  la  rosa, 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE 

Brota  el  jazmin,  y  nace  la  agucena, 
En  dando  luz  los  ojos  de  mi  diosa. 

Clarenio.       Si  su  beldad  esconde  mi  Tirrena, 
El  jazmin  cae,  el  agucena  muere 
Quando  de  mas  frescor  y  aljofar  llena. 

Delicio.  Haz  tu  que  el  sol  de  Filis  reberbere, 
Y  veras  que  el  inuierno  desabrido 
Con  el  florido  Abril  competir  quiere. 

Clarenio.       Vistase  de  mil  flores  el  exido, 

Que  se  mi  sol  no  abriere  la  manana, 
Todo  queda  en  espinas  conuertido. 

Delicio.  Mas  bella  es  mi  Tirrena,  y  mas  logana 
Que  las  blancas  ouejas  de  Taranto, 
Y  de  arbol  fertil  la  primer  mangana. 

Clarenio.       Fresca  es  la  fuente  entre  el  florido  acanto, 
De  rosas  y  violetas  coronada 
Y  mas  es  la  pastora  que  yo  canto. 

Delicio.          O  si  mi  Galatea  enamorada 

Oyera  aqui  mi  canto  y  sus  primores, 
Como  f uera  rendida  y  obligada ! 

Clarenio.       Frescas  guirnaldas  de  tempranas  flores, 
Ninfas,  coronaran  uestros  altares, 
Si  propicias  guiays  nuestros  amores,  etc. 

From  Eclogue  VIII  (fol.  12 iv). 

Nace  el  inuierno,  y  a  las  tiernas  rosas 
Sucede  un  ciergo  que  con  soplo  elado 
Desnudo  dexa  el  campo  de  frescura. 
Mueren  secas  las  flores  en  el  prado, 
Ni  queda  en  las  riberas  mas  umbrosas 
Rastro  de  su  passada  hermosura. 
Y  mientras  esto  dura 
Y  con  la  blanca  nieue 
Toda  la  sierra  llueue 
Arroyos  sin  sazon  a  la  llanura, 
Ni  suena  caramillo,  ni  ay  quien  diga 
En  tonos  de  dulgura 
Primores  o  querellas  de  su  amiga, 

Tambien  quien  viere  el  campo  desta  suerte 
Apenas  quedara  con  esperanga 
De  verlo  en  su  passada  primauera. 
En  todo  imprime  el  tiempo  su  mudanga, 


169 


170 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Y  todo  tiene  fin  sino  esta  muerte 

En  que  Tirrena  gusta  que  yo  muera, 

Nadie  esta  de  manera 

Que  una  ocasion  cumplida 

No  le  de  nueua  vida, 

O  mas  dichosa,  o  menos  lastimera, 

Ni  aura  tan  desterrado  peregrine 

Que  no  halle  siquiera 

Donde  sentarse  al  fin  de  su  camino,  etc 


'  THE  CONSTANT  AMARILIS  "  OF  FIGUEROA. 

The  Constant e  Amarilis  of  Christoval  Suarez  de  Figu- 
eroa was  the  next  pastoral  romance  to  make  its  appear- 
ance.1 It  was  first  published  at  Valencia  in  1609.  Its 
author  was  born  at  Valladolid,  in  all  probability  in  I572.2 
Nearly  all  that  is  known  of  his  life  he  tells  us  in  a  work 
entitled  "  The  Traveller,"  3  a  series  of  ten  discussions  be- 

1  La  Constante  Amarilis.    Prosas  y  Versos  de  Christoval  Suarez  de 
Figueroa.     Diuididos  en  quatro  Discursos.     A  Don   Vincencio   Guer- 
rero Marques  de  Montebelo,  Cauallero  del  habito  de  Alcantara,  Gentil 
hombre  de  la  Camara  del  Duque  de  Mantua,  y  su  Cavalleriso  mayor 
[device].     Con  licencia,  y  Privilegio,     Impresso  en  Valencia,  junto  al 
molino  de  Rouella  Ano  mil  600,  3;  neuve.     12°,  pp.  282.    I  have  a  copy 
of  this  very  rare  work,  also  of  the  French  translation :  La  Constante 
Amarilis  De   Christoval   Suarez   de  Figueroa.     En   Quatre   Disc  ours. 
Traduite   d'Espagnol   en   Francois   par  N.   L[ancelot].     Parisien.     A 
Lyon,  par  Claude  Morillon,  1614,  8°,  pp.  565,  and  index.    The  Spanish 
and  French  texts  are  on  opposite  pages.     No  other  edition  appeared 
until  that  of  Madrid,  Sancha,  1781. 

2  In  Figueroa's  work  V arias  Noticias  importantes  a  la  humana  Comu- 
nicacion,  Madrid,  1621,  fol.  213,  the  author  says  that  he  had  left  his 
native  country  thirty-two  years  before,  to  travel  in  foreign  lands;  in 
his  Passagero,  Madrid,  1618,  fol.  214,  he  says  that  he  left  his  home  at 
the  age  of  sixteen.     As  the  first-named  work  was  written  in  1620,  it 
would  give  us  the  year  1572.     See  Crawford,  The  Life  and  Works  of 
Christoval  Suarez  de  Figueroa,  Philadelphia,  1907,  an  excellent  work, 
containing  much  documentary  material  from  the  archives  at  Naples. 
In  1892  I  published  a  number  of  documents  from  MSS.  in  the  Biblio- 
teca  Nacional,  which  are  of  considerable  importance   for  the  period 
1624-30.     See  Some  Documents  in  the  Life  of  Christoval  Suarez  de 
Figueroa,  Modern  Lang.  Notes,  Vol.  VII,  pp.  398-410. 

3  El  Passagero.    Advertencias  utilissimas  a  la  Vida  humana.     Mad- 
rid, Luys  Sanchez,  1617. 

171 


172  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

tween  four  travelers  journeying  to  Italy.  In  this  auto- 
biography, in  which  is  mingled  much  that  is  purely  ficti- 
tious, he  tells  us  that  his  father  was  a  Galician  jurist,  not 
overburdened  with  this  world's  goods,  for  in  the  words  of 
the  son :  "  he  brought  with  him  from  Coruna  nothing  but 
his  cleverness,"  and  that  he  removed  to  Valladolid  to  prac- 
tice his  profession.  Figueroa  tells  us,  moreover,  that  he 
had  a  brother,  and  that  both  sons  studied  Gramatica,  that  is, 
Latin.  At  the  age  of  sixteen,  envious  of  his  brother,  who, 
being  in  poor  health,  was  favored  by  his  father,  he  resolved 
to  go  to  Italy,  and  declared  in  the  presence  of  his  parents 
that  he  would  never  return  to  Spain  during  their  life-time, 
— a  resolution  which  he  afterwards  kept.  He  now  went  to 
Barcelona,  thence  to  Genoa,  thence  to  Milan,  undecided 
whether  to  follow  the  profession  of  arms  or  letters.  He 
finally  resolved  to  study  at  Bologna  or  Pavia.  It  was 
probably  at  the  latter  university  that  he  took  his  doctor's 
degree,  en  ambos  derechos.  In  1591  he  entered  the  service 
of  D.  Juan  Hernandez  de  Velasco,  Duke  of  Frias,1  who 
was  then  Governor  of  Milan,  and  afterwards  served  as 
Auditor  of  the  Spanish  troops  in  Piedmont  against  the 
French.  It  is  not  known  how  long  he  was  occupied  in  this 
capacity,  but  he  was  present  at  the  final  capture  of  the 
castle  of  Cavour  in  I595,2  after  which  he  returned  to  Milan. 
In  1600  we  find  him  as  Naples,  for  in  that  year  he  was  on 
board  a  vessel  that  touched  at  the  Barbary  coast.3  At  this 

1  Crawford,  op.  cit.,  p.  14. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  15. 

3  Varias  Noticias,  etc.,   fol.  38.     It  was  while  living  in   Naples  in 
1602  that  he  is  said  to  have  published  the  first  of  the  long  series  of 
works  that  made  his  name  known,  a  translation  of  the  Pastor  fido  of 
Guarini.     Of  this  translation,  Ticknor,  History  of  Spanish  Literature, 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  104,  note,  says :  "  It  was  printed,  I  believe,  at  Naples  in 
1602,  but  was  improved  in   the  edition   at  Valencia  in    1609."     This 
edition  of  1602  is  thus  described  by  Salva   {Catalog o,  I,  p.  447)  :  El 


THE  CONSTANT  AMARILIS  OF  FIGUEROA 

time  his  mother  and  brother  died.  He  tells  us  that  his 
parents  often  wrote  to  him,  asking  him  to  return,  but  that 
he  always  refused ;  afterwards,  however,  "  el  amor  de  la 
patria  vencio,"  and  he  returned  to  Valladolid,  then  the  cap- 
ital of  Spain,  in  1604. 

As  Figueroa  makes  no  mention  of  his  father,  we  infer 
that  at  this  time  he  also  was  dead.  "  Here,"  he  continues, 
"  in  my  native  country,  the  paths  of  any  pretension  what- 
ever were  closely  barred,  which  abroad  I  had  found  wide 
open."  It  was  while  in  Valladolid,  probably  in  March, 
1605,  that  he  got  into  a  quarrel,  stabbed  his  opponent,  took 
refuge  in  a  church  and  afterward  fled  in  disguise  to  Baeza, 
thence  to  Ubeda,  Jaen  and  Granada.  He  then  went  to  Se- 
ville, of  the  climate  of  which  he  complains,  but  praises 
the  women  of  that  city,  who  are  "  swarthy,  graceful,  of 
good  disposition,  agreeable  conversation  and  attractive  be-- 

Pastor  Fido.  Tragicomedia  pastoral  de  Battista  Guarino.  Traduclda 
de  Italiano  en  verso  Castellano  par  Christoval  Snares.  Napoles,  Tar- 
quinio  Longo,  1602.  He  says :  "  Los  traductores  de  Ticknor  no  ban 
podido  verla."  It  is  true  that  the  Spanish  translators  of  Ticknor  had 
never  seen  this  edition  of  1602,  but  they  had  seen  an  edition  of  1622, 
by  Christoval  Suarez,  "  Doctor  en  ambos  derechos,"  and  that  on  com- 
paring this  edition  with  that  of  1609,  the  difference  is  at  once  appar- 
ent. The  latter  is,  moreover,  addressed  to  the  Duke  of  Mantua  and 
Montferrato,  while  the  former  is  dedicated  to  D.  Juan  Battista  Valen- 
zuela  Velazquez.  "  Authors  and  book-sellers,"  they  continue,  "  were 
not  at  that  time  in  the  habit  of  changing  the  dedications  of  their 
books  without  good  reasons."  Vol.  Ill,  p.  543-  They  believe  the 
edition  of  1622  at  Naples  to  be  a  reprint  of  that  of  1602,  and,  hence, 
is  not  by  Suarez  de  Figueroa.  The  difference  between  the  translation 
of  1609,  known  to  be  Figueroa's,  and  that  of  1622,  is  such  that  it  is 
hardly  possible  that  both  were  made  by  the  same  person.  What  com- 
plicates the  matter  is  that  we  know  that  Figueroa  was  in  Naples  in 
1600-02.  One  Christoval  Suarez  Trevino  contributed  a  Glossa  de 
Burlas  to  the  poetical  tournament  held  at  Madrid  in  1620.  It  has  been 
conjectured  that  he  is  the  translator  of  the  edition  of  1602.  See  Justa 
Poetica,  etc.,  Madrid,  1620,  fol.  H7v,  and  also  Crawford,  op.  cit.,  p.  23, 
who  discusses  the  matter  in  detail. 


174  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

cause  of  the  suavity  of  their  voices,  which  makes  their  pro- 
nunciation exceedingly  agreeable."  From  Seville  he  went 
to  San  Lucar,  and  finaly  to  Madrid.  Here,  he  says,  "  I  re- 
turned to  my  early  life,  to  the  past  painful  idleness.  I 
took  up  my  pen,  and  for  my  amusement  wrote  some 
sketches  which  were  kindly  received  by  scholars."  "  Still," 
he  continues,  "  I  could  not  dismiss  from  my  thoughts  the 
continual  anxiety  of  absenting  myself  to  seek  in  strange 
lands  those  who  in  former  times  had  served  me  so  gener- 
ously as  a  shield  and  protection."  And  when  asked  whether 
there  was  no  prince  in  Spain  who  might  lend  him  a  hand 
on  account  of  his  studies  and  experiences,  and  being  told 
that  the  complaint  of  "  los  mas  ingeniosos,"  continually  op- 
pressed by  poverty,  was  of  long  standing,  he  replied :  "  Es 
cosa  insufrible  profesar,  teniendo  cortas  partes,  exquisita 
libertad  de  animo,  requisito  que  por  ningun  caso  adquiere 
alicion.  Posseo  las  dos  circunstancias  que  casi  sienpre 
suelen  andar  unidas,  sovervio  y  pobre.  De  mi  boca  no  ha 
de  salir  adulacion." 

He  speaks  with  bitterness  of  the  Count  of  Lemos,  the 
patron  of  Cervantes,  to  whom  he  dedicated  a  book  and  to 
whose  presence  he  says  that  he  was  not  even  admitted,  and 
that  he  returned  from  Barcelona  to  Madrid  "  without 
speaking  to  or  seeing  the  face  of  him  who  had  been  the 
principal  object  of  that  journey."  Indeed,  he  says,  "  you 
should  know  that  of  the  seven  books  that  I  have  published, 
three  were  dedicated  to  persons  whose  faces  I  have  never 
seen,  though  I  was  at  Court."  1 

From  this  we  should  infer  that  Figueroa  was  out  of 
favor  at  Court,  and  consequently  out  of  office,  and  this, 
indeed,  he  tells  us  in  i62O,2  though  in  the  sentence  imme- 

1  El  Passagero,  fol.  376. 

2  V arias  Noticias,  in  the  prologue  he  says :  "  Asi  mientras  su  Ma- 
gestad  no  me  empleare  en  la  continuacion  de  su  seruicio,"  etc. 


THE  CONSTANT  AMAR1LIS  OF  FIGUEROA 

diately  preceding,  far  from  assuming  the  disgruntled,  dis- 
satisfied tone  which  he  here  shows,  he  tells  us  that  his 
works  had  been  well  received  and  that  his  country  had  re- 
ceived him  kindly  and  with  no  less  generosity,  enabling 
him  to  maintain  himself  many  years  "  en  sitio  de  tantas 
obligaciones  como  la  Corte."  Besides,  in  a  letter  which  he 
wrote  in  1624,  he  states  that  he  had  been  in  the  King's  ser- 
vice twenty-seven  years.1  However  this  may  be,  in  1622, 
when  Don  Antonio  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Duke  of  Alba,  be- 
came Viceroy  of  Naples,  Figueroa  petitioned  him  for  a  post 
in  Italy,  and  on  February  22,  1623,  he  was  appointed  Au- 
ditor of  the  town  of  Lecce.2  Here  his  conduct  in  suppress- 
ing the  lawlessness  that  then  reigned  was  so  vigorous  (he 
hanged  five  men  and  sent  a  hundred  to  the  galleys)  that 
he  was  dismissed  from  office  on  August  8,  1623,  and  was 
not  thereafter  reinstated. 

In  December,  1627,  Figueroa  was  "  Auditor  de  la  Regia 
Udienza  "  in  Catanzaro,  in  the  province  of  Calabria.3  At 
this  time  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Inquisition  for  free- 
ing from  prison  one  Francesco  Antonio  Stantione,  an  offi- 
cer of  the  Viceroy,  who  had  attempted  to  gather  taxes  from 
the  ecclesiastical  orders  and  who  had  been  imprisoned  by 
the  Bishop  of  Nicotera  in  that  town.4  As  a  result  of  the 

1  Rennert,   Some   Documents  in    the   Life   of  Christoval  Suares   de 
Figueroa,  "  Mod.  Lang.  Notes,"   1892.     "  Veynte  y  siete  anos  ha  que 
siruo  al  rey  en  diferentes  cargos  con  certificaciones  de  Virreyes  de 
mi  buen  proceder ;  con  cartas  de  su  Magestad  en  que  lo  confiesa  y  se 
da  por  bien  seruido,  prometiendome  en  ellas  aumentos  y  honras;  solo 
aqui   ve    degenerado,    perdiendo   en   un   punto   lo   adquerido   en   tanto 
tiempo:  suma  desgracia"  (p.  405). 

2  Crawford,  /.  c.,  p.  79- 

3  Rennert,  Some  Documents,  etc.,  p.  410. 

4  Some   Documents,   etc.,   Modern   Lang.   Notes,   Vol.    VII,    p.    410, 
and  Crawford,  /.  c.,  pp.  81  et  seq.,  where  the  proceedings  are  given  at 
length. 


176  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

clash  between  the  Viceroy  and  the  church  authorities,  Figu- 
eroa,  on  January  25,  1630,  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  by 
the  officers  of  the  Inquisition,1  first  in  Castil  Nuovo,  where 
he  remained  seventeen  days,  and  then  in  the  "  Carceri  della 
Nunziatura,"  where  he  seems  to  have  been  confined  until 
July,  1631.  On  January  3,  1633,  he  was  appointed  "  Abo- 
gado  fiscal  de  la  Audiencia  "  at  Trani,2  and  on  October 
loth  of  that  year  he  signed  the  "  Licencia  "  of  the  pastoral 
romance,  Los  Pastores  del  Betis  of  Gonzalo  de  Saavedra, 
which  was  published  in  that  city.  We  do  not  know  the 
date  of  Figueroa's  death;  it  was  after  1644,  however,  in 
which  year  he  issued  his  epic  poem  Espana  Defendida, 
which  appeared  at  Naples  in  that  year. 

It  is  not  difficult,  after  reading  this  autobiographical 
sketch  in  the  Passagero,  to  form  an  opinion  of  Figueroa's 
character.  His  must  have  been  a  narrow  and  selfish  nature, 
and  the  sarcastic  and  deprecating  tone  in  which,  in  his  Pas- 
sagero, he  speaks  of  Cervantes  is  ill  requiting  the  kindness 
of  his  great  contemporary,  (over  whom  the  grave  had 
barely  closed),  for  his  praise  in  Don  Quixote,  Part  I,  chap. 
Ixii,  and  again,  only  two  years  before  the  latter's  death, 
in  the  Journey  to  Parnassus.  Indeed  Figueroa's  unfaith- 
ful and  ungrateful  character  is  manifest  throughout  his 
works.  He  speaks  well  of  none  of  his  fellow-writers,  but 
scatters  his  malevolent  words  freely  among  those  more  fav- 
ored than  himself.3  He  was  a  member  of  that  great  army 
of  office-seekers  in  Spain,  which  first  came  into  prominence 
in  the  time  of  Charles  V.,  and  for  which  recruits  have 
never  been  wanting  down  to  the  present  day.  He  was  of 
an  unloving  and  unlovable  nature, — a  disappointed  and 

1  Modern  Lang.  Notes,  Vol.  VII,  p.  409. 

2  Crawford,  op.  cit.,  p.  86. 

3  See  his  attack  upon  Lope  de  Vega,  Passagero,  fols.  103  and  108. 


THE  CONSTANT  AMARILIS  OF  FIGUEROA 

carping  man,  at  odds  with  the  world,  which,  doubtless 
treated  him  as  he  deserved. 

The  Constante  Amarilis  was  not  very  successful,  as  the 
author  himself  says.  In  the  prologue  he  gives  its  purpose : 
"  my  intention  has  been  to  celebrate  the  constancy  and  suf- 
fering of  two  persecuted  lovers,  from  the  beginning  of 
their  lives  to  their  happy  marriage."  Some  time  prior  to 
the  appearance  of  the  Constante  Amarilis,  Figueroa  had  en- 
tered the  service  of  Don  Juan  Andres  Hurtado  de  Mendoza, 
who  was  living  at  Barajas,  a  town  in  the  province  of 
Cuenca.  It  was  to  this  friendship  that  the  Constant  Ama- 
rilis owes  its  origin.1  In  it,  Figueroa  appears  at  Damon, 
and  the  marriage  celebrated  in  the  romance  is  that  of  his 
patron  D.  Juan  Andres  Hurtado  de  Mendoza  (Menandro) 
with  his  third  wife,  who  was  also  his  cousin,  Dona  Maria 
de  Cardenas  (Amarilis),  daughter  of  D.  Bernardino  de 
Cardenas,  Duke  of  Maqueda  and  of  Dona  Luisa  Manrique 
de  Lara,  Duchess  of  Najera,  on  March  29,  1609. 

The  Constante  Amarilis,  the  author  tells  us,  was  written 
in  two  months.  It  is  composed  of  four  "  discourses,"  and 
is  a  dull  book,  which  all  the  author's  poetical  talent  failed 
to  make  interesting.  That  Figueroa  had  carefully  read 
and  remembered  the  Arcadia  of  Sannazaro  is  at  once  ap- 
parent. He  has,  however,  introduced  many  incidents  that 
are  quite  foreign  to  a  work  of  this  kind,  such  as  the  long 
discourse  of  Menandro  on  the  art  of  poetry,  nor  are  there 
any  descriptions  of  natural  scenery  anywhere  in  the  book, 
which  might  have  been  written  by  a  poet  who  had  never 
ventured  beyond  the  walls  of  his  native  city.  Appended  are 
a  number  of  the  best  poems: 

1  Crawford  (op.  cit.,  p.  30),  who  has  succeeded  in  identifying  the 
principal  characters  in  the  romance,  v.  also,  Mod.  Lang.  Notes,  Vol. 
XXI  (1906),  pp.  8-1 1. 


178  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Tercetos. 

Mas  ay  de  mi !  quien  oye  mis  lamentos  ? 
ay!  que  valen  si  el  ayre  se  los  lleva, 
y  siempe  fueron  sin  piedad  los  vientos! 

.  •  <•. . . 

Sueno,  si  cosa  hize  que  no  deva 

contra  ti,  ya  te  hallas  satisfecho, 

ya  es  tiempo  que  a  mi  bien  de  mi  des  nueva. 

!. 

Dile,  qu'estoy  en  lagrimas  desecho, 
y  huyendo  ve  sin  estorvar  mi  gloria, 
el  dano  baste  que  hasta  aqui  m'has  hecho. 

Hermano  de  la  muerte,  que  vitoria 
sacaras  deste  trance,  si  embidioso 
usurpas  de  mis  ansias  la  memoria? 

Es  la  noche  al  amante  desseoso, 
apazible,  cortes  y  lisongera, 
deteniendo  su  curso  presuroso : 

Tu  assi,  vaso  y  licor  d'Adormidera 
con  qu'en  ocio  sepultas  los  mortales 
cortes  arroja  de  tu  mano  fiera. 

Y  vos,  queridas  puertas,  dad  sefiales 
de  ser  por  gusto,  y  por  piedad  aora 
el  unico  remedio  de  mis  males. 

Sus  alas  tiende  ya  la  bella  Aurora, 
ya  se  mueven,  ya  cantan  Ruisenores, 
puertas,  dexadme  ver  a  mi  senora: 

Qu'a  vuestro  ser  aplicare  loores, 
y  colgando  guirnaldas  amorosas 
vuestro  umbral  cubrire  de  varias  flores. 


Levantaos  con  silencio  de  la  tierra, 
y  concededme  entrada  poco  a  poco, 
mi  bien  sereys,  sereys  paz  de  mi  guerra. 
******* 

Ten  lastima  de  mi  (6  Tarsia  mia) 
sino  oiras  en  toda  noche  oscura, 
mis  llantos,  y  mis  quexas  a  porfia. 


THE  CONSTANT  AMARILIS  OF  FIGUEROA 

Vos  puertas,  vos  sereys  mi  sepoltura 
sino  mudais  la  desdichada  suerte 
de  quien  en  vos  a  puesto  su  ventura. 

Piedad  mostrad,  y  evitareys  mi  muerte, 
no  tengais  por  dificil  qualquier  medio, 
que  si  professa  ser  mi  pena  fuerte, 
fuerte  tambien  sera  vuestro  remedio.  (pp.  68-71). 

Cancion  de  Meliseo. 
******* 

Centella  buelta  ya  la  losa  fria, 
haran  obsequias  sobre  el  cuerpo  muerto; 
la  piedra  banaran  con  tierno  llanto; 
llenaran  de  suspires  el  desierto; 
y  en  memoria  del  loven,  a  porfia 
tristes  entonaran  funebre  canto. 
Las  ninfas  entretanto, 
offreceran  piadosas 
guirnaldas  olorosas; 
adornaran  con  ellas  los  altares; 
y  en  partiendo  d'alli  se  oiran  cantares 
endechas  tristes  d'aves  diferentes : 
si  a  caso  te  llegares 
leeras  las  letras  que  veras  presentes. 

Huesped,  cubre  este  marmol  un  lloroso 
Amante,  de  prisiones  desatado : 
sabras  que  fue  la  causa  de  su  muerte 
la  que  fue  de  su  gloria  y  su  cuidado. 
Aqui  sus  huesos  gozan  del  reposo 
qu'en  vida  les  nego  su  triste  suerte; 
si  quieres  detenerte 
mira  la  sepoltura 
a  quien  dan  sombra  oscura 
estos  laureles,  cuyo  movimiento 
provocan  a  tristeza  al  mas  contento: 
las  galas  de  los  arboles  despoja 
enrronquecido  viento, 
y  secase  en  cayendo  aqui  la  oja.  (p.  101). 


179 


180  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Sonnet. 

Tendio  la  noche  el  tenebroso  engano, 
y  difunta  dexo  1'alma  del  dia: 
Morfeo  en  los  mortales  esparcia 
el  qu'es  de  nuestra  vida  desengano : 

Quando  yo  por  huir  d'ausencia  el  dano 
de  Elisa  el  duke  albergue  recorria: 
su  rostro  vi,  por  quien  la  sombra  fria 
de  luz  y  ardor  cubrio  su  negro  pafio. 

Mientras  el  cielo  (dixe)  tantos  ojos 
abre  quantos  el  suelo  agora  cierra, 
da  fin  (Elisa  bella)  a  mis  enojos. 

Cesse  (me  respondio)  d'amor  la  guerra, 
y  pues  te  doy  el  alma  por  despojos 
concede  al  cuerpo  paz  qu'es  poca  tierra.  (p.  263). 


ESPINEL  ADORNO:  "  THE  REWARD  OF 
CONSTANCY." 

OVER  a  decade  elapsed  before  the  next  pastoral  romance, 
"The  Reward  of  Constancy,"  by  Jacinto  de  Espinel  Adorno, 
appeared  in  I62O.1  The  author  dedicated  his  work  to  Don 
Diego  de  Anaya  y  Mendoga,  and  begs  him  to  receive  it 
favorably,  it  being  his  first  work,  as  an  earnest  of  better 
service  in  the  future.  In  the  address  to  the  reader,  he  says : 
"  If  perchance  the  language  and  invention  do  not  please 
you,  remember  that  a  poor  wit  (un  corto  ingenio}  like 
mine,  can  do  no  better,"  etc.,  and  further,  "  one  thing  I 
would  ask  of  you,  and  that  is,  that  you  read  the  entire 
book."  This  is  asking  much  of  the  reader,  though  it  was  a 
less  disagreeable  task  than  one  would  have  supposed,  judg- 
ing from  the  opening  paragraph;  his  book,  moreover,  is 
the  only  source  of  our  scanty  knowledge  of  his  life,  for  it 
is  believed  that  one  or  two  facts  put  by  the  author  into  the 
mouth  of  Arsindo,  are  to  be  referred  to  himself.  Accord- 
ing to  this,  the  author  was  born  at  Manilva  z  and  brought 
up  at  Munda,3  in  the  province  of  Malaga,  which  he  was 

1  El  Premio  de  la  Constancies,  y  Pastores  de  Sierra  Bermeia.    For 
lacinto  de  Espinel  Adorno.    Ano  1620.    En  Madrid,  For  la  viuda  de 
Alonso  Martin.    The  Sierra  Bermeja  is  a  range  of  mountains  on  the 
confines  of  the  provinces  of  Malaga  and  Cadiz,  in  the  Ronda  chain; 
called  Vermeja  from  its  reddish  soil.     I  have  a  second  edition  of  the 
Premio  de  la  Constancia  published  at  Seville  in  1894,  at  the  expense 
of  the  Marques  de  Xeres  de  los  Caballeros. 

2  A  town  of  Spain  in  the  province,  and  fifty-five  miles  southwest  of 
Malaga,  near  the  coast. 

8  On  fol.  36  he  tells  us  that  his  parents  took  him  to  Munda,  where 

181 


182  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

obliged  to  leave,  having  wounded  his  opponent  in  a  noc- 
turnal brawl,  the  result  of  an  unfortunate  love  affair. 

"  The  Reward  of  Constancy  "  never  reached  a  second 
edition  until  our  own  day,  nor  is  it  known  that  its  author 
published  any  other  work;  his  name,  however,  occurs  sev- 
eral times  as  a  contributor  to  the  justas  poeticas  of  the  time. 

The  book  begins  as  follows :  "  Adonde  con  tan  pressu- 
roso  passo  encaminas  el  curso  violento  de  mi  desdicha, 
termino  fatal  del  rigor  (6  suerte  contraria)  con  que  apri- 
essa  me  amenazas:  tormento  aparente  con  que  aguijoneas, 
pecho  que  si  no  dessea  vivir,  es  por  estar  a  pique  de  tantos 
incendios,  que  muestran  el  trance  duro  en  que  estoy  puesto : 
infelize  dafio,  terrible  pena,  fragoso  tormento,  temeraria 
fatiga,  todos  juntos  contraries,  no  temidos  deste  desdi- 
chado,  venid,  venid,  y  dadle  fin  al  cuerpo  que  entre  aquestos 
riscos,  solitarias  grutas,  y  cavernosas  pefias,  aguarda  el 
triste  golpe  de  la  parca  rigurosa,  para  conmigo  ingrata,  no 
al  alma,  etc.,  etc.  This,  it  must  be  admitted,  is  not  an  aus- 
picious beginning. 

In  the  following  passage  the  beauties  of  a  pastoral  life 
are  described : 

"  Aqui,  dixo  Felino,  enganamos  la  vida  lo  mejor  que 
podemos,  nunca  faltos  de  gusto,  ni  agenos  de  regalo,  por 
ser  esta  vida  la  mas  amada  y  mas  quieta  que  todas.  Aqui 
estamos  alexados  y  remontados  de  los  negocios  y  preten- 
ciones  de  los  que  andan  hechos  camaleones  de  los  poderosos 
Principes.  Aqui  estamos  ya  guardando  nuestros  ganados, 

they  had  relatives,  and  here  he  was  brought  up  and  sent  to  school. 
He  studid  Latin,  "no  con  cuydado  por  yrme  divertiendo  en  cosas  que 
si  importauan  al  gusto,  danauan  al  alma."  And  again  in  Book  II, 
speaking  of  the  poet  Vincente  E'spinel,  who  was  "the  first  inventor 
of  dezimas,"  also  called  espinelas,  and  who  was  born  at  Munda,  Ar- 
sindo  says:  "long  have  I  known  him  by  reputation,  not  personally, — 
aunque  he  estado  yo  en  su  patria  muchos  dias."  See  also  Gayangos' 
tr.  of  Ticknor,  History  of  Spanish  Literature,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  543. 


THE  REWARD  OF  CONSTANCY 

ya  arando  y  cultiuando  los  campos  y  heredades  que  fueron 
de  nuestros  mayores,  cogiendo  y  abarcando  cada  uno  menos 
aim  de  lo  que  puede,  estando  alegres  y  contentos  con  solo 
dos  bueyes,  mas  que  con  grandes  tesoros  los  ricos  Mon- 
arcas.  Aqui  no  tenemos  los  sobdesaltos  que  en  los  rezios 
combates  los  discipulos  de  Marte  tienen  con  el  zumbido  de 
las  lluvias  espesas  de  balas,  reliquias  de  bombardas  y  cule- 
brinas,  parte  donde  cadaqual  encoge  sus  mienbros  aunque 
mas  el  animo  se  dilate,  no  dexando  de  tener  algun  genero 
de  temor,  cada  uno  por  su  incierta  suerte.  .  .  .  Ya  mira- 
mos  los  ganados,  y  rebafios  de  toros,  y  vacas,  que  andan 
dando  bramidos,  vagando  por  los  campos  espaciosos,  y 
valles  amenos  abundantes,  si  de  pastes,  no  avaros  de  aguas. 
.  .  .  Ya  otras  vezes  se  nos  antoja  el  recostarnos  debaxo 
de  la  sombra  de  una  antigua  y  acopada  enzina,  cuyo  suelo 
vestido  de  grana,  nos  sirve  de  entretenernos  con  blando 
sustento,  combidando  a  dulce  sueno.  .  .  .  Ya  oymos  quex- 
arse  las  aves  con  sus  cantos,  emboscadas  entre  las  espessas 
ramas  destas  selvas,  respondiendose  unas  a  otras,  con  par- 
ticular y  acordada  armonia,"  etc.  (ed.  1894,  p.  9). 

The  book  is  pleasant  reading,  its  style  generally  being 
easy  and  agreeable  and  its  descriptions  of  natural  scenery 
often  very  beautiful.  Long  and  dull  stories  from  Greek 
and  Roman  history  are,  however,  also  intermingled,  and 
the  shepherds  seldom  miss  an  opportunity  to  indulge  in 
moralizing.  They  grapple  with  some  of  the  profoundest 
problems:  as  an  example,  Arsileo,  speaking  of  children, 
says  that  punishment  is  good  for  them,  whereupon  Arsindo 
says :  "  No  child  has  ever  died  from  chastisement,  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  from  not  being  chastised  in  time  great 
troubles  have  followed.  There  is  no  greater  punishment 
in  this  life  than  not  to  be  punished." 

The  poetry  scattered  through  the  book  is  not  of  a  very 
high  order.  Here  is  a  sonnet : 


184  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Sale  el  Sol  por  las  cumbras  del  Oriente 

Para  llenar  el  mundo  de  alegria, 

Y  en  la  distancia  de  tan  solo  un  dia 

Su  curso  gira,  y  llega  al  Occidente: 
Sigue  la  noche  luego  velozmente, 

Muestra  su  manto  azul  de  argenteria, 

Diana  sale  que  en  su  plata  fia 

Del  cielo  al  suelo  puesta  f rente  a  f rente: 
Sale  risuena  la  rosada  Aurora, 

Y  la  mafiana  que  los  campos  dora; 
Buelue  a  llenar  los  prados  de  contento 

El  Sol  con  su  dichoso  navimiento : 
Y  todo  tiene  fin,  que  es  sombra  vana 

El  Sol,  la  noche,  el  Alua,  y  la  mafiana  (ibid.,  p.  37). 

Song  of  the  Dryads. 

Las  fuentes  que  al  alua  matiza 

quando  hace  al  mundo  salua, 

con  gusto  alegre  risuefias 

saltan,  bullen,  brillan  y  dangan. 

Si  el  ausentarse  la  noche 

las  seluas  estan  vizarras 

con  la  venida  de  Cintia, 

que  las  adorna  y  engasta. 

Y  las  avezillas  libres 

con  harpados  picos  cantan, 

pidiendo  albricias  al  dia 

y  el  fin  de  sus  esperangas. 

Y  los  campos  apacibles 

con  rosicleres  de  nacar 

forman  a  la  vista  cielo, 

y  a  los  olfatos  dan  ambar, 

Todos  con  el  nueuo  huesped, 

que  ya  sus  alfombras  passa 

con  gusto  alegre,  risuenos, 

saltan,  bullen,  brillan,  y  dangan  (ibid.,  p.  240). 

Sometimes  the  author  descends  to  mere  word-quibbling, 
as  in  the  following  sonnet,  which  is  sung  by  Fenicia  and 
Laureno  (Book  II,  fol.  61). 

Laur.    Temblando  miro  si  constante  adoro 

rostro  que  engendra  gloria,  triste  llanto: 


THE  REWARD  OF  CONSTANCY  ^5 

Fen.  Yo  siento  pena,  si  contenta  canto, 

descubro  el  mal,  y  mi  remedio  ignore : 

Laur.  Sufro  temor,  si  aguardo  mi  tesoro. 

Fen.  Lagrimas  muestro,  si  mi  bien  espanto : 

Laur.  Tanto  me  aclaro,  que  me  pierdo  tanto, 

Fen.  Quanto  me  anima  amor,  tanto  mas  lloro. 

Laur.  Mi  bien  espero.    Fen.  Mi  contento  aguardo. 

Laur.  Huyo  del  mal.    Fen.  Pretendo  mi  ventura. 

Laur.  Tristezas  me  da  amor.    Fen.  A  mi  tormento. 

Laur.  Tarda  la  dicha.    Fen.  Yo  en  gozarla  tardo. 

Laur.  Temo.    Fen.  Vazilo.    Laur.  Tiempo.    Fen.  Coyuntura. 

Laur.  Espera.    Fen.  Aguarda.    Laur.  El  pecho.    Fen.  El  pensamiento. 


'  THE  SHEPHERD  OF  CLENARDA  "  BY  BOTELLO. 

In  1622  Miguel  Botello  published  in  Madrid  his  pastoral 
romance  "  The  Shepherd  of  Clenarda."  1  In  another  work, 
La  Fills?  he  calls  himself  Captain  Miguel  Botello  de  Car- 
vallo.  He  was  a  Portuguese,  born  at  Viseo  in  1595;  in 
1622  (his  vessel  left  Lisbon  on  March  i8th)  he  accom- 
panied, as  secretary,  the  fourth  Count  of  Vidiguerra,  D. 
Francisco  de  Gama,  when  he  sailed  for  India  as  Viceroy.8 
Having  returned  to  his  native  country,  he  went  to  Paris 
in  1647,  m  tne  retinue  of  Don  Francisco's  son,  D.  Vasco 

1  Prosas  y  Versos  del  Pastor  de  Clenarda,  por  Miguel  Botello,  na- 
tural de  la  ciudad  de  Viseo.     Con  licencia,  en  Madrid,  por  la  viuda  de 
Fernando  Correa  de  Montenegro,  MDCXXII.    8°. 

2  La  Filis.    Del  Capitan  Miguel  Botello  de  Carvallo.    Al  Conde  de 
la  Vidiguerra.     En  Madrid,  por  Juan  Sanchez.     Ano   1641.     It  is  a 
poem  in  six  cantos,  written  in  octaves  (Gallardo,  Ensayo,  II,  p.  127). 
Previously  he  had  published  La  Fabula  de  Piramo  y  Tisbe,  dedicated 
to  two  Genoese  nobles,  D.  Francisco  and  D.  Andres  Fiesco,  Madrid, 
1621.      He  is  the  author  of  two  other  works:   Soliloquios  a  Christo 
N.  S.  (in  verse),  Paris,  1645,  and  Rimas  varias  y  Tragi-comedia  del 
martir  d'Ethiopia,  En  Ruan,  en  la  inprenta  de  Lorengo  Maury.     Ano 
MDCXLVL      It    contains,    among   others,    commendatory    verses    by 
Antonio  Henriquez  Gomez,  most  of  whose  works  were  also  published 
at  Rouen.    In  this  work  Botello  styles  himself  "  Secretario  del  Exmo. 
senor  Conde  Almirante." 

8"Ao  chegar  a  Mozambique,  travou-se  peleja  com  uma  frota  de 
hollandezes,  ficando  Miguel  Botelho  ferido  na  testa.  Aportou  a  Goa  a 
19  de  dezembro.  D'aqui  foi  Miguel  Botelho  despachado  para  o  sul 
por  capitao  de  um  patacho,  com  o  encargo  de  levar  cartas  ao  gover- 
nador  de  Maninha.  De  regreso  a  India  encontrou-se  com  uma  nau 
hollandeza,  com  a  qual  se  bateu  como  valoroso  soldado.  .  .  .  Miguel 
Botelho  achava-se  em  Hespanha,  sem  duvida  militando  na  Catalunha 
quando  em  Portugal  rebentou  o  movimento  revolucionario  que  pro- 
clamou  a  nossa  autonomia.  D'aqui  nao  sem  graves  difficultades  e 
perigos  conseguiu  elle  passar  a  Franc.a,"  etc.  Archivo  Historico  Por- 
tugues,  Vol.  IV  (1906),  p.  317. 
186 


THE  SHEPHERD  OF  CLENARDA 

Luis  de  Gama,  first  Marquis  of  Niza,  who  was  sent  to  that 
Court  as  Ambassador  extraordinary  in  that  year.  As  he 
returned  to  Portugal  on  April  30,  1649,  it  is  probable  that 
Botello  returned  with  him.1  The  latest  notice  we  have  of 
Botello  is  in  i654.2 

"  The  Shepherd  of  Clenarda,"  a  pastoral  romance  in 
prose  and  verse,  the  chief  personages  of  which  are  Lisardo 
and  Clenarda,  is  divided  into  four  books.  Prefixed  are  a 
number  of  laudatory  verses  by  Spanish  ingenlos,  including 
Da.  Maria  de  Zayas,  Manuel  de  Faria  y  Sousa  ("  to  the 
author,  on  his  leaving  for  India"),  Alonso  de  Salas  Bar- 
badillo,  D.  Rodrigo  de  Herrera,  "  his  best  friend  ",  and 
Antonio  Lopez  de  Vega.  The  latter  addresses  the  poet 
as  Lisardo,  indicating  that  Botello  has  represented  himself 
under  this  disguise.  In  his  Fabula  de  Piramo  y  Tisbe  he 
tells  us  that  his  pastoral  romance  is  a  "  historia  disf  razada, 
si  bien  verdadera."  I  have  never  seen  a  copy  of  this  very 
rare  book.8 

1  See  O  primeiro  Marquez  de  Niza,  by  Jose  Ramos-Coelho,  in  Ar- 
chivo  Historico  Portugues,  I,  Lisbon,  1903.  On  August  2,  1647,  he 
writes  from  Paris :  "  De  Madrid  me  vem  agora  todas  as  obras  do 
grande  Lope  de  Vega ;  e  sao  quarenta  e  cinco  livros  que  nao  tinha " 
(p.  38).  Botello  is  not  mentioned  in  this  article.  See  also  Barrera, 
Catalogo,  p.  44. 

2 "  Pelos  seus  longos  services,  tanto  em  Paris  como  na  India,  o 
agraciou  D.  Joao  IV.,  em  1649,  com  o  habito  de  Christo,  dando-lhe 
em  1654  a  pensao  de  vinte  mil  reis  na  commenda  de  Ranhados,  em 
que  estava  provide  D.  Fernao  Manuel.  Archivo  Historico  Portugues, 
IV,  p.  317- 

3  Gallardo  (Ensayo,  II,  p.  126)  says  of  it:  "La  prosa  y  los  versos 
son  faciles  y  corrientes,  pero  no  tienen  colores  ni  conceptos  senalados 
que  distingan  a  Botello  privilegiadamente  entre  los  ingenios  de  su 
tiempo.  Su  estilo  es  mas  florero  que  florido.  El  corriente  de  su 
prosa  se  parece  a  la  del  Dr.  Lozano,  aunque  la  de  este  es  mas  rica." 
See  also  Garcia  Peres,  Catalogo  razonado  de  los  Autores  Portugueses 
que  escribieron  en  Castellano.  Madrid,  1890,  p.  58.  Botello  also  con- 
tributed verses  to  the  Justa  poetica  in  honor  of  San  Isidro,  held  at 
Madrid  in  1620.  See  Gallardo,  Ensayo,  IV,  p.  973. 


CUEVAS :  "  THE  EXPERIENCES  OF  LOVE  AND 
FORTUNE." 

FOUR  years  afterward,  in  1626,  Francisco  de  Quintana, 
a  friend  of  Lope  de  Vega,  under  the  name  of  Francisco  de 
las  Cuevas,  published  "  The  Experiences  of  Love  and  For- 
tune." x  Quintana  was  born  in  Madrid,  and  in  1626  be- 
came a  member  of  the  Congregation  of  Saint  Peter,  in 
which  he  served  the  cause  of  the  church  with  great  zeal, 
and  seems  to  have  had  considerable  reputation  for  elo- 
quence as  a  preacher.  In  1644  he  became  rector  of  the 

1  Experiencias  de  Amor  y  Fortuna.  A  Lope  Felix  de  Vega  Carpio, 
Procurador  Fiscal  de  la  Comoro  Apostolica,  y  su  Notario  descrito  en 
el  Archiuo  Romano,  Familiar  del  Santo  Oficio  de  la  Inquisicion.  Por 
el  Licenciado  Francisco  de  las  Cuevas,  natvral  de  Madrid.  Ano  (In 
oblectatione  saepe  est  doctrina)  1626.  Con  Privilegio.  En  Madrid, 
Por  la  Vivda  de  Alonso  Martin.  Salva  (no.  1780)  describes  an  edi- 
tion "Madrid,  Francisco  Martinez,  1632,  8°,  16  -J-  276  fols.,  and  I 
have  a  note  of  one:  Montilla,  Francisco  Martinez,  8°,  6  -|-  258  fols. 
The  next  ed.  (which  I  possess),  is  Barcelona,  por  Pedro  Lacavalleria, 
1633,  8°,  8  -\-  156  fols.  There  were  also  editions  of  Madrid,  1641 ; 
Jaen,  1646;  Barcelona,  1649;  Madrid,  1666  and  1723.  That  the  Ex- 
periencias passed  through  so  many  editions  is  evidence  that  it  en- 
joyed considerable  popularity,  and  shows  how  easily  the  public  taste 
was  satisfied.  The  book  is  no  better  and  no  worse,  however,  than  the 
author's  next  attempt,  the  Historia  de  Hipolito  y  Aminta,  first  pub- 
lished in  Madrid  in  1627.  It  is  written  in  the  manner  of  the  Persiles 
y  Sigismunda  of  Cervantes,  and  was  perhaps  prompted  by  it.  Quin- 
tana's  literary  success  was  doubtless  due,  in  no  small  measure,  to  the 
powerful  influence  of  his  friend,  Lope  de  Vega.  It  may  be  mentioned 
that  an  English  translation  of  "  The  Experiences  of  Love  and  For- 
tune" appeared  in  1651.  It  is  entitled:  The  History  of  Don  Fenise. 
A  new  Romance,  written  in  Spanish  by  Francisco  de  las  Coveras  (sic). 
And  now  Englished  by  a  person  of  honour.  8°.  London.  Printed  by 
Humphrey  Moseley,  1651. 
188 


THE  EXPERIENCES  OF  LOVE  AND  FORTUNE 

Hospital  de  la  Latina  in  Madrid.  Such,  however,  were  the 
litigations  and  entanglements  in  which  Quintana  became 
involved,  that  he  was  reduced  to  the  greatest  poverty.  He 
died  January  25,  I658.1 

'  The  Experiences  of  Love  and  Fortune  "  is  dedicated 
to  Quintana's  friend,  Lope  de  Vega,  who,  in  an  address 
prefixed  to  the  work,  speaks  of  it  as  "  esta  primera  piedra 
de  sus  estudios,  aunque  tan  sazonado  fruto  de  sus  verdes 
afios."  From  this  it  is  evident  that  Cuevas,  as  we  may 
now  call  him,  was  then  a  young  man,  and  this  may  be 
some  excuse  for  his  very  commonplace  book.  It  is  divided 
into  five  poemas,  "  because  poema  is  a  generic  name  which 
embraces  not  only  verses,  but  also  prose,  as  Cicero  inti- 
mates in  his  book  De  Oratore,"  etc.  He  concludes  thus: 
"  I  do  not  think  that  the  learned  will  be  displeased  with 
reading  it,  for  as  Quintilian  says :  '  In  grandibus  coenis  hoc 
saepe  nobis  accidit,  ut  cum  optimis  saciati  sumus,  varietas 
tamen  nobis  ex  vilioribus  grata  sit.' ' 

The  first  "  poem  "  begins  thus : 

"  No  lexos  de  una  pequena  f  uente,  que  a  un  verde  sauze 
puso  de  transparente  cristal  Candidas  prisiones,  Siluio,  pas- 
tor por  su  entendimiento,  y  por  su  disposicion  celebrado  en 
los  montes  que  a  la  Imperial  Toledo  vezinos,  son  aspera 
poblacion  de  duros  robles,  o  albergue  poco  culto,  a  varias 
fieras,  mayoral  de  un  mediano  aprisco,  dueno  de  un  apa- 
cible  rebafio,  que  a  trechos  era  esmalte  del  prado,  nieue  del 
monte,  siendo  en  partes  aumentado  de  las  pefias;  estaua 
una  tarde,  de  las  que  suauamente  alienta  Mayo,  respirando 
a  un  tiempo  zefiros  y  flores,  tan  melancolico,  que  ni  los 
campos  le  diuertian,  ni  las  fuentes  le  dauan  alegria;  antes 
le  sucedia  tan  al  contrario  (efeto  antiguo  de  los  perfetos 

1  Alvarez  y  Baena,  Hijos  de  Madrid,  Vol.  II,  p.  152 ;  Barrera,  Bio- 
grafia  de  Lope  de  Vega,  in  Obras  de  Lope  de  Vega,  I,  Madrid,  1890, 
p.  502. 


I9o  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

tristes)  que  le  seruia  de  mortal  veneno  lo  que  pudiera  sanar 
sus  fieros  males." 

Here  is  a  passage  from  the  second  "  poem  " : 
"  La  malicia  de  los  presentes  siglos,  tan  conforme  en 
todo  a  la  de  los  passados,  nos  muestra  claramente,  que  siem- 
pre  ha  sido  uno  mismo  el  mundo,  y  siempre  flaca  nijestra 
naturaleza.  Quando  yo  miro  que  Seneca  in  Agam.  dize 
estas  palabras:  Perecieron  las  costumbres,  la  fuerga,  la 
piedad,  y  la  verguenga,  que  una  vez  perdida,  ignora  los  ca- 
minos  de  boluer  a  su  duefio;  pienso,  o  que  Feniso  viuio  en 
tiempo  de  Seneca,  o  que  Seneca  estuuo  presente  a  los  su- 
cessos  de  Feniso.  Sano  de  su  indisposicion  estaua,  solicito 
restaurar  su  perdida  pretendia,  y  cuerdo  su  sentimiento 
ocultaua  nuestro  noble  Cauallero  a  tiempo  que  una  ma- 
nana  de  las  que  el  hermoso  padre  del  dia  calienta  las  duras 
escamas  de  Escorpion,  llego  cansado  de  hazer  ocultas  dili- 
gencias  a  su  posada  y  casa  de  Leonardo,  no  hallo  en  ella  a 
don  Luis,  porque  le  desuelaua  el  mismo  cuydado;  y  assi 
opresso  de  su  imaginacion  (tormento  que  mata  sin  acabar 
la  vida,  y  dafio,  cuyo  remedio  es  tan  dificultoso,  como 
contra  enemigo  inescusable)  se  arrojo  sobre  la  cama  para 
descansar,  porque  viue  enganado  el  que  piensa  que  los 
pesares  no  cansan  el  cuerpo,  quando  atormentan  el  alma." 

As  a  specimen  of  the  verse  in  "  The  Experiences  of  Love 
and  Fortune,"  I  have  copied  the  following  Epigrama,  which 
the  shepherds  sing  upon  seeing  Theodora  with  a  carnation 
(clavel)  in  her  mouth. 

Clauel  hermoso  que  espirando  olores 
Al  duke  aliento  de  mi  bien  te  mueues, 
No  se  inquietan  tus  hojas  por  ser  leues, 
Antes  son  de  temor  essos  temblores. 

Al  competirte  injurias  otras  floras, 
Y  es  bien  igual  rigor  aora  prueues, 
Aunque  a  tu  osada  competencia  deues 
El  tener  de  verguenc.a  essas  colores. 


THE  EXPERIENCES  OF  LOVE  AND  FORTUNE   igi 

Pienso  que  fueran  tus  consejos  sabios 

Si  mudaras  el  ser,  si  cristal  fueras, 

luzgarante  reflexes  de  sus  labios; 

Mas  en  tanta  porfia  es  bien  que  infieras, 
Que  por  necio  mereces  mas  agrauios, 
Pues  viendote  exceder,  veneer  esperas  (fol.  44). 

Here  are  some  decimas: 

No  se  si  se  llame  amor 

a  esto  que  mi  pecho  alcanga, 

que  amor  y  sin  esperanqa 

mas  me  parece  rigor: 

el  impossible  mayor 

no  consiste  en  ser  mi  empleo 

indigno  deste  trofeo, 

porque  el  mayor  impossible 

aduierto  en  no  ser  possible 

todo  quanto  yo  deseo. 
Vuestra  beldad  me  assegura 

de  que  con  razon  me  empeno, 

de  mi  pecho  os  haze  duefio 

deseos  de  mi  ventura: 

vuestro  ingenio  me  procura 

quitar  vida  y  libertad, 

mas  en  la  seguridad 

con  que  mis  afectos  nacen, 

deshaze  el  temor  quanto  hazen 

deseo,  ingenio,  y  beldad  (fol.  103). 

The  book,  to  the  credit  of  its  author,  contains  very 
little  verse.  It  is  written  in  the  bad  taste  of  much  of  the 
prose  of  the  time,  with  a  piling-up  of  epithets  and  constant 
resort  to  antithetical  clauses.  "  The  Experiences  of  Love 
and  Fortune,"  should,  however,  be  expunged  from  the  list 
of  pastoral  romances  in  which  it  has  so  long  figured,  for  it 
is  a  romance  of  adventure  simply,  made  up  of  most  improb- 
able incidents,  the  second  "  poem  "  containing  an  episode 
based  upon  the  old  story  of  Ami  et  A  mile. 


CORRAL:  "THE  CYNTHIA  OF  ARANJUEZ." 

THREE  years  had  elapsed  when,  in  1629,  La  Cintia  de 
Aranjuez,  by  Don  Gabriel  de  Corral,  appeared  at  Madrid.1 
The  author,  who  was  the  son  of  Garcia  de  Corral  and 
Ysabel  de  Villalpando,  was  born  at  Valladolid,  where  he 
was  baptized  on  March  31,  i$88.2  He  became  chaplain  to 
the  Constable  of  Castile,  and  three  years  before  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  "  Cinthia  "  he  had  published  a  translation 
of  the  "  Argenis  "  of  Jean  Barclay,  entitled :  La  Prodigiosa 
Historia  de  los  dos  Amantes,  Argenis  y  Poliarc'o,  Madrid, 
Juan  Gonzalez,  1626,  4°.3  He  also  translated  from  the 
Latin  the  poetical  works  of  Pope  Urban  VIII. 

The  earliest  appearance  of  Corral  as  an  author,  to  my 

1  La  Cintia  de  Aranivez,  Prosas  y  Versos.    For  el  Licenciado  Don 
Gabriel  de  Corral,  natural  de   Valladolid.     Al  Excelentissimo  Senor 
Condestable   de   Castillo,   mi  senor.      [Arms   of   the   Constable.]      En 
Madrid.    En  la  Imprenta  del  Reyno.    A  costa  de  Alonso  Perez,  Lib- 
rero  de  su  Magestad.     Ano  MDCXXIX.    8°,  viii  -|-  208  ff.     I  possess 
a  copy. 

2  Partida  de  bautismo :   "  Grabiel  =  En  treinte  y  uno  de  marc.o  de 
1588  anos  baptice  a  gabriel  hi  jo  de  Garcia  de  corral  y  de  ysabel  de 
billalpando  su  muger  fueron  padrinos   Antonio  bauptista  de  c.amora 
y  maria  alonso  Abogado  S.  Andres."    Cortes,  Una  Corte  literaria,  p. 
167;  and  the  same  author's  article  on  Gabriel  de  Corral  in  the  Revista 
Contemporanea   (Enero,   1903),  which  I  was  unable  to  consult.     Sr. 
Cortes  says :  "  Tuvo  Gabriel  un  hermano,  Juan,  bautizado  en  la  An- 
tigua, y  una  hermana  Casilda,  bautizada  en  S.   Martin."     After  this 
account  was  finished  I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  a  copy  of  Sr. 
Cortes'  article  in  the  Revista,  for  which  I  wish  to  thank  him  most 
cordially.    I  have  made  some  additions  from  his  article. 

8  The  Argenis  of   Barclay,  written  in  Latin,   was  first  printed  in 
1621.    A  French  translation  appeared  as  early  as  1623. 
192 


THE  CYNTHIA  OF  ARANJUEZ 

knowledge,  is  found  in  some  Latin  distichs  which  he  wrote 
to  Montalvan's  Orfeo  in  1624.*  He  also  wrote  a  laudatory 
decima  to  Castillo  Solorzano's  Tardes  entretenidas,  1625. 
In  1631  he  is  mentioned  among  the  distinguished  poets  of 
the  time  by  Sebastian  Francisco  de  Medrano,2  and  seems 
to  have  enjoyed  considerable  reputation  as  a  writer  of 
verse. 

In  the  prologue  to  the  "  Cynthia,"  dated  Zaragoc,a,  Au- 
gust 15,  1628,  Corral  says  that  he  is  writing  these 
"  sketches  "  on  his  journey  to  Rome,  without  books  or 
help  (prevention)  of  any  kind,  "  no  para  estimacion,  sino 
para  dar  a  entender  mi  afecto  asi  a  la  pluma,  como  a  la 
atencion  de  los  obligaciones  que  V.  Merced  me  ha  puesto," 
etc.  Our  author  passed  some  years  in  Italy,  being  at  Rome 
in  1632  in  the  service  of  the  Count  of  Monte-Rey,  the 

1  Unless,  as  is  very  probable,  our  author  is  the  same  person  as  El 
Licenciado  Gabriel  Garcia  de  Corral,  who  contributed  verses  to  the 
certamen  poetico  published  by  Pedro  de  Herrera  in  his  Description 
de   la   Capilla   de   nuestra   Senora    del   Sagrario,   etc.,    Madrid,    1617. 
Salva,  Catalogo,  No.  260.     I  am  glad  to  learn  that  Sr.  Cortes  is  also 
of  the  opinion  that  they  are  one  person. 

2  In  his  Favores  de  las  Musas,  Milan,  1631.     See  Gallardo,  Ensayo, 
Vol.  Ill,  col.  702.     Some  unedited  poems  by  Corral  are  found  in  a 
MS.  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional,  Madrid  (M.  202).    Ibid.,  Vol.  II,  Ap- 
pendix, p.  35.    According  to  D.  Luis  Fernandez-Guerra  y  Orbe,  Alar- 
con,  p.  336,  Corral  belonged  to  the  famous  Academia  poetica  in  Mad- 
rid, in  1622,  of  which  all  the  most  celebrated  poets  were  members,  in- 
cluding Lope  de  Vega,  Mira  de  Mescua,  Guillen  de  Castro,  Luis  Velez 
de  Guevara,  Alarcon,  and  others.     Hartzenbusch,  in  his  preliminary 
study  of  Alarcon's  works  (Comedias  de  D.  Juan  Ruiz  de  Alarcon  y 
Mendoza,  p.  xxxiv,  in  Bibl.  de  Autores  Espanoles),  had  already  called 
attention  to  the  vejamen  dado  en  una  academia  in  which  all  who  en- 
tered into  the  concurso  were  greatly  caricatured,  and  among  whom 
Corral  also  figures.     The  account  is  interesting,  but  is  too  long  to 
be  copied  here.     I  do  not  find  any  notice  of  this  particular  vexamen 
in  the  Obras  de  Anastasio  Pantaleon  de  Ribera,  Madrid,  1634,  which 
I  have.     In  the  vexamen  segundo  (ibid.,  fol.  I43v)  he  figures  as  "el 
Licenciado  Coriandro." 


IQ4  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Spanish  Ambassador.1  Returniing  to  Spain,  he  was  made 
Canon  of  Zamora,  and  afterwards  Superior  of  the  Col- 
legial  Church  at  Toro,  which  office  he  certainly  held  in 
i64O,2  and  apparently  until  his  death,  which  took  place  in 
Toro  in  November,  i646.3 

Barrera  is  of  the  opinion  that  two  authors  of  the  same 
name,  Gabriel  de  Corral,  existed  in  Spain  at  the  beginning 
of  the  seventeenth  century.4  The  grounds,  however,  for 
such  an  opinion  are  very  slight,  presumably  because  a  play 
has  come  down  to  us,  La  Trompeta  del  Juizio,  by  Gabriel 
de  Corral,  printed  in  Vol.  XXXI  of  the  Comedias  nuevas 
escogidas  de  los  me j ores  Ingenios  de  Espaiia,  Madrid,  1669. 

1  In  this  year  Montalban  wrote  of  him :  "  D.  Gabriel  del  Corral,  que 
oy  esta  en  Roma  en  seruicio  del  Conde  de  Monterrey,  las  [comedias] 
escriuio  como  quien  quiere  prouar  la  pluma  en  lo  menos,  excelentissi- 
mamente."     "  Memoria  de  los  que  escriuen  Comedias  en  Castilla  sola- 
mente,"  in  Para  Todos,  ed.  of  1645,  fol,  278v.     That  Corral  was  in 
Italy  prior  to  1630,  is  also  shown  by  Lope  de  Vega's  Laurel  de  Apolo, 
Silva  III ;  see  also  Silva  VIII,  in  which  Lope  calls  him  the  Spanish 
Propertius. 

2  In  the  Obras  de  Don  Luis  de  Ulloa  Pereira,  first  published  in  1659, 
there  is  an  "  Epistola  de  D.  Gabriel  de  Corral,  Abad  entonces  de  la 
Iglesia  Colegial  de  Toro."     In  my  copy,  which  is  of  the  second  edi- 
tion, Madrid,   1674,  it  occurs  on  pp.   155-160,  and  is  dated  February 
26,   1640.     This  epistola  is  also  printed  in   Bohl  v.   Faber's  Floresta, 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  365,  No.  981.     Barrera  says  of  Corral :  "  D.  Francisco  de 
Vitoria,  D.  Gabriel  del  Corral,  D.  Luis  de  Ulloa  Pereira  y  sus  hijos, 
en  algunas  temporadas,  y  tal  cual  otro  ingenio,  formaban  en  Toro  una 
tertulia,  que  probablemente  se  reuniria  y  haria  la  corte  (por  los  anos 
de  1643  al  de  1645)  en  el  palacio  del  destronado  ministro,"  i.  e.  the  Count 
Duke  of   Olivares.     Catdlogo,  p.  499;   see  also  Nueva  Biografia  de 
Lope  de  Vega,  p.  403. 

3  Partida  de  difuncion :  "  Don  Gabriel  de  Corral,  Abad  que  fue  de 
esta  Santa  Iglesia,  se  enterro  en  ella  en  veinta  y  siete  de  Noviembre 
dicho  ano  de   1646;  hizo  testamento  ante  Alonso   Rodriguez   Davila, 
Scriv0  de  esta  ciudad  de  Toro;  testamentarios  Don  Juo.  Brabo,  idem, 
Antonio  de  la  Sierra,  Abad  que  al  presente  es."     Cortes,  in  Revista 
Contemporanea,  1903,  p.  17. 

4  Catdlogo,  p.  IOI. 


THE  CYNTHIA  OF  ARANJUEZ 

There  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that  the  Gabriel  Garcia  de 
Corral  mentioned  in  a  previous  note  and  our  author  are 
one  and  the  same  person;  no  more  than  it  can  be  doubted 
that  Lope  de  Vega  in  the  two  passages  of  his  Laurel  de 
Apolo  refers  to  but  one  poet.  Besides  we  have  the  direct 
testimony  of  Montalvan  that  our  author  was  well  known  as 
a  dramatist  before  1632.* 

Unlike  Lope  de  Vega,  in  the  prologue  to  his  Arcadia, 
Corral  tells  us  in  his  address  to  the  reader,  that  he  does 
not  write  for  the  cultivated,  saying :  "  No  hablo  con  los 
Patricios  de  la  cultura,  sino  con  el  vulgo2  con  quien  Mar- 
cial  se  entiende  tal  vez  diziendo,  Vobis  pagina  nostra  dedi- 
catur,"  and  again :  "  I,  at  least,  desire  to  please  the  people." 
He  tells  us  how  the  book  was  made  up :  "I  shall  confess  to 
you  that  all  the  verses  this  volume  contains  were  written 
antes  del  intento;  and  in  order  to  make  them  acceptable,  I 
have  linked  them  with  prose  and  accompanied  them  with 
these  discourses,  not  daring  to  publish  the  mere  rimas,  in 
doing  which,  men  of  greater  intellect  run  a  risk  that  is  well 
known.  .  .  .  What  seemed  more  venturesome,  was  to  pub- 

1  For   an   account  of  La   Trompeta  del  Juisio,   see   the  articles   of 
Cortes,   already   mentioned.     There  is   a   MS.    (xvii   century)    of  La 
gran  Comedia  de  la  Trompeta  del  Juicio,  proceeding  from  the  Osuna 
collection,  in  which  it  is  ascribed  to  D.  Francisco  de  Rojas  on  the 
title-page,  though  the  concluding  lines  of  the  play  declare  it  to  be 
the  work  of  two  poets.     Sr.  Cotarelo  says :  "  Esto  sera  lo  mas  cierto : 
Corral  y  Rojas  habran  compuesto  la  comedia,  y  solo  alia  muchos  anos 
despues  de  muertos  ambos,  el  editor  se  la  habra  adjudicado  al  que 
seria  autor  del   acto   primero   6   de   la  primera  mitad   de  la   Obra." 
Francisco  de  Rojas  Zorrilla,  Madrid,  1911,  p.  259. 

2  Concerning  this  expression,  Wolf  says:  "  Dass  daruntur  noch  im- 
mer  nicht  der  Pobel,  ja  dass  unter  diesem  Spanischen  Vulgo  noch  ein 
sehr  achtbarer  Theil  der  Nation,  die  ganze  landliche  und  kleinstadt- 
ische  Bevolkerung  im   Gegensatz  zu  den   Hauptstadten   auch   damals 
(mitte  des  16  Jahrhunderts)   noch  begriffen  gewesen  sei, — hat  Huber 
(Gott.  Am.,  1857,  s.  452)  sehr  gut  nachgewiesen.    Studien  zur  Gesch. 
d.  Spanischen  u.  Port.  Nationalliteratur,  p.  543,  n. 


196  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

lish  a  book  for  diversion  or  entertainment,  although  pure 
and  exemplary,  when,  from  the  nature  of  my  studies,  more 
serious  matters  were  expected."  The  author  succeeded  in 
making  a  prosy  and  tiresome  book,  which  is  quite  a  task 
to  read. 

It  is  very  probable  that  some  real  personage  is  concealed 
under  the  name  Cynthia.  On  fol.  16,  there  is  an  allusion 
to  "  un  Heroe  de  los  mas  insignes  que  tuuo  el  tronco  de  los 
Guzmanes,  de  quien  Cintia  era  hermosa  rama  " ;  on  fol.  68 
we  read :  "  El  soneto  f  ue  de  Liseno.  Celebro  anticipado  en 
vaticinio  al  heroe  generoso  don  Caspar  de  Guzman."  Again 
on  fol.  95:  "  Este  (dixo)  senalando  un  bizarro  varon,  es 
padre  de  mi  sefiora  Cintia,  cauallero  que  por  su  valor  y 
sangre  tuuo  grandes  puestos."  Cintia  takes  lessons  in 
Latin  (fol.  115);  she  lived  in  Guadalajara  (fol.  i23v), 
and  Lisardo,  who  is  in  love  with  her,  turns  out  to  be  her 
half-brother  (ibid.).  Cynthia's  relatives  brought  her  to 
Madrid  (fol.  124)  ;  here  she  was  betrothed  against  her 
will,  and  as  a  relief  from  "  her  illness  and  melancholy," 
she  retires  to  the  solitude  of  this  fingido  Arcadia  (fol. 
I24v).  On  fol.  iSQv  we  are  told  that  Cynthia  is  "  dona 
Guiomar,  que  ilustra  el  apellido  de  los  Heroes  Guzmanes." 

The  following  "  eclogue  "  which  the  shepherds  sing  to 
a  lovely  "  auditorio  de  zagales  acompanadas  de  garcpnes 
bizarros,"  will  give  an  idea  of  the  poetry : 

"  Dulce  remora  del  viento, 

Coro  entero  en  una  voz, 

Que  fue  mordaza  inuisible 

De  arroyo  murmurador. 
Iman  del  risco,  y  del  eco, 

Impossible  imitacion, 

Y  de  un  aliso  pomposo 

Alada  y  parlera  flor. 
Auecilla  en  fin  quexosa 

De  amor,  si  bien  desmintio 


THE  CYNTHIA  OF  ARANJUEZ 

A  las  quexas  el  concento, 
Y  la  musica  al  dolor. 
Calla  tu  cuidado, 
No  le  digas  no, 
Que  diran,  si  le  cantas, 
Que  te  falta  amor. 
Como  blasonas  martirios, 
Si  en  los  indicios  del  Sol 
Madrugan  tus  sentimientos 
A  templarse  con  tu  voz? 
Qual  amante  sus  querellas 
Tan  suaues  disfrazo, 
Si  el  merito  del  amar 
Se  pierde  en  la  explicacion? 
Merezcate  amor  silencio, 

Imitemonos  los  dos, 
•  Aprende  a  morir  callando, 

Agradecido  al  dolor. 
Calla  tu  cuidado,"  etc. 

Corral  is  not  more  fortunate  in  his  sonnets  than  in  his 
"  eclogues." 

Sonnet. 

Esta  tremula  lumbre,  que  del  viento 

Viue  sobresaltada  y  mal  segura, 

Atalaya  del  tiempo,  que  apresura 

De  las  horas  el  facil  mouimiento: 
Este,  o  Lelio,  alumbrado  aduertimiento, 

Que  generoso  luce  lo  que  dura, 

Que  ignorante  de  noche  de  hora  escura 

La  vida  ha  vinculado  al  lucimiento : 
Indice  claro,  auiso  es  eloquente, 

Si  de  otro  que  la  vista  necessitas, 

Y  del  estudio  noble  de  tu  idea, 
Para  que  pues  del  ayre  estas  pendiente, 

No  a  tan  breue  periodo  permitas, 

Accion  que  de  la  luz  indigna  sea  (fol.  94b). 

The  subject  of  this  sonnet  (incomprehensible  to  me)  is 
a  bronze  clock :  "  Laurencio,  que  no  era  pobre,  en  los  ador- 
nos  y  galas  de  su  quarto  tenia  otro  relox  de  bronze,  que 


1 98  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

libraua  su  valor  en  el  artificio,  porque  con  el  mayor  que 
hasta  entonces  se  auia  visto,  el  indice  de  las  horas  era  una 
luz  que  las  iba  alumbrando  y  sefialando." 

Book  II  contains  a  vexamen  in  which  one  of  the  char- 
acters expresses  astonishment  that  "  there  should  be  hos- 
pitals for  so  many  bodies  and  nations  and  yet  one  for  poets 
should  be  wanting,  although  they  have  so  many  ills."  The 
book  is,  accordingly  divided  into  seven  Canias  or  beds. 
We  are  told,  moreover,  that  "  ha  llegado  la  necessidad  poe- 
tica  a  tal  estado,  que  de  hambre  mas  que  de  intention,  si  no 
se  comen,  se  muerden  unos  a  otros.  No  es  trato  la  poesia 
que  ha  dado  hasta  hoy  principio  a  algun  mayorazgo,  porque 
los  romances  y  sonetos,  aunque  scan  del  Sefior  Danteo,  un 
afio  con  otro,  no  valen  nada:  solo  para  esta  nueua  funda- 
cion  faltara  Medico,  ya  porque  juzgauan  la  cura  destos  en- 
fermos  impossible,  ya  porque  auia  pocas  esperangas  del 
stipendio,"  etc. 

Apollo  now  visits  the  different  beds  where  the  poets  lie. 
The  first  one  he  declares  "  por  hetico  y  tisico ;  y  era  asi, 
porque  se  auia  desainado  de  consonantes,  y  padecia  ftuxo 
de  sonetos,  y  colica  de  romnaces,  a  cuyos  achaques  soco- 
rrio  con  esta  receta : 

"  Para  que  por  buen  camino 
Engorde  este  cecinado, 
Esqueleto  amortajado 
En  pieles  de  pergamino : 
Recipe  una  gauioneta 
Tan  cortes  y  comedida, 
Que  le  quiera,  y  no  le  pida, 
Y  abstengase  de  poeta"  (fol.  82). 

Lope's  high  praise  of  Corral  in  his  Laurel  de  Apolo  is 
another  proof,  if  any  were  needed  of  the  untrustworthiness 
of  this  poem  as  a  help  to  forming  any  opinion  of  Lope's 
contemporaries. 


SAAVEDRA:  "  THE  SHEPHERDS  OF  THE  B£TIS." 

'  The  Shepherds  of  the  Betis,"  1  by  Don  Gonzalo  de 
Saavedra,2  a  Veintequatro  3  of  the  city  of  Cordova,  next 
appeared  at  Trani,  a  town  of  Naples,  in  1633.  The  work 
was  published  after  the  author's  death  by  his  son,  who  dedi- 
cated it  to  Don  Manual  de  Fonseca  y  Zuniga,  Captain  Gen- 
eral of  the  Kingdom  of  Naples,  and  calls  it  "  the  diversions 
of  my  father's  youth  (divertimientos  de  la  mocedad  de  mi 
padre).  Of  its  style  the  son  speaks  as  follows :  "  The  prose 
is  written  without  verbosity,  ingeniously  and  elegantly; 
not  too  profusely  nor  laconically  from  affectation;  nor  is 
it  obscure  or  prolix,  but  with  well-disposed  periods,  and 
with  clauses  marvelously  and  helpfully  arranged."  The 
following  excerpt,  which  is  a  very  fair  example  of  the 
style  of  "  The  Shepherds  of  the  Betis,"  will  enable  one  to 
form  an  independent  opinion  upon  this  point : 

"  Entre  otras  tan  f  amosas,  como  f  ertiles,  y  levantadas 
sierras,  que  nuestra  Hispano  Reyno  posee,  y  lo  atraviesen, 
esta  una,  adonde  vienen  a  juntar  los  extremos  quatro  Pro- 
vincias  del,  a  la  qual  llaman  Sierra  de  Segura;  no  se  yo 
porque,  pues  no  ai  persona  que  lo  este  de  las  hermosas  Pas- 

1  Betis,  i.  e.  Guadalquivir. 

2  Los  Pastores  del  Betis;  Versos  y  Prosas  de  Don  Gonzalo  de  Saa- 
vedra, veintequatro  de  la  ciudad  de  Cordoba:   dadas  a  luz  par  D. 
Martin  de  Saavedra  y  Guzman  su  hijo,  con  algunos  fragmentos  suyos 
anadidos.    Al  Ilmo.  y  Excmo.  Sr.  D.  Manuel  de  Fonseca  y  Zuniga, 
Conde  de  Monterey,  etc.     En  Trani,  por  Lorenzo  Valerij.    Ano  1633. 
The  license  is  signed  by  D.  Cristoval  Suarez  de  Figueroa,  at  Trani, 
October  10,  1633.    See  Gallardo,  Ensayo,  IV,  p.  296. 

3  Veintequatro.    The  corporation  of  Seville  and  other  towns  in  An- 
dalucia,  consisted  of  twenty-four  members,  called  Veintequatros. 

199 


200  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

toras  que  lo  habitan :  de  la  qual  un  leuantado  monte,  a  quien 
la  naturaleza  abrio  sus  pefiascosas  entrafias,  langa  tanta 
cantidad  de  agua,  que  da  principio,  y  nombre  a  la  corriente 
del  celebrado  Betis,  cuyos  poblados  margenes  de  aldeas  son 
causa  de  que  lo  esten  ellos,  y  sus  hermosos  campos  de 
ganados,  y  perdidos  Pastores,  de  Zagales,  que  mas  cuidosos 
de  amorosos  pensamientos,  que  del  gouierno  de  ellos,  olui- 
dados  de  todo  lo  que  no  es  mostrar  la  firmeza  de  sus  volun- 
tades,  passaron  el  tiempo  en  amorosas  juntas.  Aqui  la 
maestra  naturaleza,  usando  de  su  politica  inuencion,  enri- 
quecio  estos  Valles  de  agradables  fuentes,  contrapuestas  a 
los  temporales,  assi,  que  en  el  ardiente  estio  apenas  las 
manos  pueden  resistir  la  frialdad  de  sus  cristales,  y  en  el 
riguroso  inuierno,  en  ellos  entrados  se  estienden,  y  regalan 
con  su  templanga  los  encogidos  neruios:  de  algunas  de  las 
quales  las  sobras  forman  agradables,  y  murmurantes  corr- 
ientes,  que  de  amorosos  pechos  con  tierans  lagrimas,  au- 
mentadas,  llegan  fertilizando  el  distrito,  que  desde  su  naci- 
miento,  hasta  el  famoso  rio;  inclinando  a  trechos  con  su 
continue  curso,  los  delgados,  y  verdes  junquillos,  y  las 
pintadas  y  tiernas  florecillas,  que  puestas  por  limite  de  su 
anchura,  hermosean  sus  humedos  margenes." 

Of  Saavedra's  poetry,  I  copy  the  song  of  Beliso  (p.  79)  : 

Dulce  y  sabrosa  fuente, 

Si  tu  cristal  enturbian  los  despojos, 

Y  continua  corriente 

Que  el  corazon  te  ofrece  por  los  ojos, 

Para  que  te  acompanen 

Y  destos  olmos  las  raizes  banen. 

Porque,  como  murmuras 

Entre  las  pedrezuelas,  y  la  arena, 

Remedio  no  procuras 

Para  que  cesse  mi  tormento  y  pena, 

Y  acabados  mis  males, 

No  enturbiara  mi  llanto  tus  cristales? 


THE  SHEPHERDS  OF  THE  B£TIS  2OI 

Mueue  tu  muda  lengua 

Para  reparo  de  mi  triste  vida, 

Pues  mi  dolor  no  mengua, 

Ni  el  rigor  de  una  fiera  enpedernida, 

Y  di  a  esta  ingrata  bella 

Con  la  razon  que  Talma  se  querella. 

Y  tu  esmaltado  prado 

Mas  que  la  misma  habitacion  de  flora, 

Si  por  estar  pisado 

De  los  diuinos  pies  de  mi  Senora, 

A  Chipre  te  auentajas, 

Porque  mi  dafio,  y  su  rigor  no  atajas? 

Vosotros  airecillos 

Que  mil  vozes  formais,  dando  en  las  ojas 

De  aquestos  arbolillos, 

Formad  alguna  que  de  mis  congojas 

De  euenta  a  mi  Pastora, 

Bella  en  el  rostro,  en  condicion  traidora. 

Mas,  ay  prado  florido, 

Arboles,  aires,   fuente  dulce  y  bella, 

Que  me  tiene  rendido, 

Y  ella  lo  sabe  bien,  que  a  no  ver  ella 

Tan  rendido  mi  pecho, 

Menos  lagrimas  fueran  de  prouecho. 

The  shepherds  are,  as  is  customary,  led  to  the  Temple 
of  Diana,  and  upon  one  of  its  columns  read  the  following 
prophecy : 

El  que  llegare  a  ver  de  aquesta  casa 

Los  trasparentes  muros  de  diamante, 

O  sea  pastor  libre,  o  tierno  amante 

De  los  que  premia  Amor  con  mano  escasa, 

En  llegando  a  mirar  la  primer  vasa, 

Pierda  la  vista  luego  en  esse  instante, 

Y  de  euenta  sin  ella  a  Dios  tonante 

De  la  passion  que  el  corazon  le  abrasa. 

Porque  no  puede  serla  manifiesta 

A  nadie  deste  templo  la  grandeza, 

Y  las  cosas  que  en  el  hay  encerradas, 

Hasta  que  de  un  Pastor  con  risa,  y  fiesta, 

De  su  pastora,  mansa  la  fiereza, 

Se  celebren  las  bodas  deseadas. 


202  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Of  this  prophecy  the  sage  says : 

"  Do  not  trouble  yourself  to  solve  it,  for  it  will  be  in 
vain,  as  I  assure  you  that,  until  the  day  come  in  which  the 
Gods  permit  that  this  may  be  fulfilled,  it  will  be  impossible 
for  any  human  intellect  however  clever  (amenta/ado) ,  to 
understand  the  mysterious  secret  hidden  in  these  few  let- 
ters." "  The  Shepherds  of  the  Betis  "  never  reached  a 
second  edition. 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  PASTORAL  ROMANCES. 

THE  principal  pastoral  romances  that  appeared  in  Spain 
for  nearly  a  century  after  the  publication  of  the  Diana  of 
Montemayor,  have  now  been  passed  briefly  in  review.  They 
all  possess  the  same  general  characteristics  and  followed 
closely  in  the  steps  of  their  Spanish  model,  though  none 
ever  attained  the  excellence  reached  by  Montemayor.  They 
all  picture  that  ideal  life  in  Arcadia,  where  the  shepherds 
and  shepherdesses  "  fleet  the  time  carelessly  as  they  did  in 
the  Golden  World."  In  none  of  them  is  there  any  attempt 
at  plot  or  connected  narrative;  the  characters  appear  and 
disappear  at  the  will  of  the  author,  and  nothing  was  deemed 
improbable  in  the  forests  and  meads  of  their  fancied  world. 

But,  while  the  pastoral  romance  was  finding  such  great 
favor  in  gentler  circles,  forms  of  literature  had  been  gradu- 
ally developing  which  soon  became  its  formidable  rivals; 
and  finally  succeeded  in  obscuring  it  entirely; — forms  of 
literature  that  were  destined  to  endure,  because  they  were 
based  upon  the  national  life.  In  1554  the  "  Novela  Pica- 
resca  "  made  its  appearance  in  Lasarillo  de  Tormes,  and, 
finally,  the  national  Drama,  the  foundation  of  which  had 
been  laid  as  far  back  as  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
was  developed  with  an  ardor  and  enthusiasm  for  which 
we  find  a  parallel  only  in  the  Greek  and  English  dramatists. 

Dramatic  literature  was  popular,  because  it  was  written 
for  the  whole  people.  It  was  hardly  considered  a  respect- 
able form  of  literature  at  first,  just  as  we  know  was  the 
case  in  England ;  but  it  had  struck  its  roots  deep  in  the  very 
heart  of  Spanish  life;  it  was  the  faithful  mirror  of  the 

203 


204  SPANISH  PASTORAL  ROMANCES 

Spanish  character  in  all  its  ages  and  phases,  and  finally 
overshadowed  every  other  form  of  literary  composition. 
With  the  advent  of  the  realistic  novel  and  the  drama,  as 
illustrators  of  the  national  life,  the  more  artificial  and 
courtly  pastoral  romance  gradually  disappeared  from  the 
scene,  but  not  without  leaving  its  impress  upon  the  litera- 
ture of  Spain.  Like  the  romance  of  chivalry,  it  was  an 
important  factor  in  the  development  of  style  in  Spanish 
prose,  and  the  easy  and  graceful  diction  of  Cervantes  is 
doubtless  due,  in  no  small  measure,  to  the  influence  of  the 
pastoral  romance,  which  made  itself  felt  even  in  the  drama ; 
witness  the  exquisite  pictures  of  rural  life  which  occur  in 
so  many  of  the  plays  of  Lope  de  Vega. 

But  the  pastoral  romance  has  passed  away  forever,  with 
the  times  and  the  manners  that  produced  it.  The  singing 
and  sighing  of  shepherds,  that  were  a  pastime  and  a  pleas- 
ure in  a  more  ingenuous  age,  find  no  responsive  echo  in 
this  more  practical  century.  And  though  the  Diana  of 
Montemayor  has  been  reprinted  in  our  own  day,  it  can 
hardly  be  hoped  that  the  fragrance  of  the  fields  and  forests 
of  its  Arcadia  is  still  as  perceptible  or  as  agreeable  to  the 
modern  reader  as  it  was  to  the  reader  of  three  hundred 
years  ago ;  but  considered  as  a  mirror  reflecting  other  times 
and  other  conditions,  the  pastoral  romance  will  always 
maintain  an  important  place  in  the  literature  of  the  Golden 
Age  of  Spain. 


APPENDIX. 

THIS  carta  or  letter  of  Montemayor  is  not  to  be  found  in 
any  of  his  works,  so  far  as  I  know.  That  portion  of  it 
which  relates  to  his  life  is  here  subjoined,  copied  from  the 
excellent  edition  of  the  Poesias  de  Francisco  de  Sd  de  Mi- 
randa by  Caroline  Michaelis  de  Vasconcellos.  Halle,  1885, 
p.  655.  See  p.  20,  note  i. 

Riberas  me  crie  del  rio  Mondego,  70 

Ado  jamas  sembro  el  fiero  Marte 
Del  Rei  Marsilio  aca  desasosiego. 

De  ciencia  alii  alcanze  mui  poca  parte 
I  por  sola  esta  parte  juzgo  el  todo 
De  mi  ciencia  i  estilo,  ingenio  i  arte.  75 

En  musica  gaste  mi  tiempo  todo; 
Previno  Dios  en  mi  por  esta  via 
Para  me  sustentar  por  algun  modo. 

No  se  fio,  senor,  de  la  poesia, 

Porque  vio  poca  en  mi,  i  aunque  mas  viera,  80 

Vio  ser  pasado  el  tiempo  en  que  valia. 

El  rio  de  Mondego  i  su  ribera 
Con  otros  mis  iguales  paseava, 
bujeto  al  crudo  amor  i  su  bandera. 

Con  ellos  el  cantar  exercitava  85 

I  bien  sabe  el  amor  que  mi  Marfida 
la  entonces  sin  la  ver  me  lastimava. 

Aquella  tierra  fue  de  mi  querida ; 
Deje  la,  aunque  no  quise,  porque  veia 
Llegado  el  tiempo  ia  de  buscar  vida.  90 

Para  la  gran  Hesperia  fue  la  via 
Ado  me  encaminava  mi  ventura 
I  ado  senti  que  amor  hiere  i  porfia. 

Alii  me  mostro  amor  una  figura; 
Con  la  flecha  apuntando  dijo   :  aquella!  95 

I  luego  me  tiro  con  fuerza  dura. 

A  mi  Marfida  vi  mas  i  mas  bella 

205 


206  APPENDIX 


Que  quantas  nos  mostro  naturaleza, 
Pues  todo  lo  de  todas  puso  en  ella. 

El  mar  de  perfecion  i  gentileza,  100 

Fida  por  la  mas  fiel  que  nadie  vido, 
Suma  lealtad  de  fe  i  de  firmeza. 

Mas  ia  que  el  crudo  amor  me  huvo  herido, 
Le  vi  quedar  tan  preso  en  sus  amores 
Que  io  fui  vencedor  siendo  vencido.  105 

Alii  senti  de  amor  tales  dolores 
Que  hasta  los  de  aora  no  creia 
Que  los  pudiera  dar  amor  maiores. 

Pero  despues  que  un  mal  en  mi  porfia, 
El  qual  se  llama  ausencia,  es  quasi  nada  no 

El  otro  grave  mal  que  antes  sufria. 

En  este  medio  tiempo  la  estremada 
De  nuestra  Lusitania  gran  princeza 
En  quien  la  fama  siempre  esta  ocupada, 

Tuvo,  senor,  por  bien  de  mi  rudeza  115 

Servir  se,  un  bajo  ser  alevantado 
Con  su  saber  estrano  i  su  grandeza, 

En  cuia  casa  estoi  ora,  pasando 
Con  mi  cansada  musa  ora  en  esto, 
Ora  de  amor  i  ausencia  estoi  quejando,  120 

Ora  mi  mal  al  mundo  manifiesto; 
Ora  ordeno  partirme,  ora  me  quedo ; 
En  una  ora  mil  vezes  mudo  el  puesto; 

Ora,  a  hurto  de  amor,  me  finjo  ledo; 
Ora  me  veo  tan  triste  que  me  muero ;  125 

Ora  querria  morir  me  i  nunca  puedo. 

Mil  vezes  me  pregunto  que  me  quiero 
I  no  se  responder  me  ni  sentir  me; 
Enfin  me  hallo  tal  que  desespero.  etc. 


CENTRAL  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 
University  of  California,  San  Diego 

DATE  DUE 


SEP  21  196: 


JUN25 


C139 


UCSD  Libr. 


